lEx  ICtbrtB 


SEYMOUR  DURST 


When  you  leave,  please  leave  this  hook 

Because  it  has  heen  said 
"Ever  thing  comes  t'  him  who  waits 

Except  a  loaned  book." 


Avery  Architectural  and  Fine  Arts  Library 
Gift  of  Seymour  B.  Durst  Old  York  Library 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2014 


https://archive.org/details/indiansofgreaterOOwiss 


THE  INDIANS  OF  GREATER  NEW  YORK  AND  THE 

LOWER  HUDSON. 

EDITED  BY 
CLARK  W15SLER. 


AMS  PRESS 

NEW  YORK 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  PAPERS 

OF  THE 

American  riuseum  of  Natural 

History. 

Vol.  III. 

HUDSON-FULTON  PUBLICATION. 


THE  INDIANS  OF  GREATER  NEW  YORK  AND  THE 

LOWER  HUDSON. 

EDITED  BY 

CLARK  WISSLER. 


NEW  YORK: 
Published  by  Order  of  the  Trustees. 
September,  1909. 


Library  of  Congress  Cataloging  in  Publication  Data 


Wissler,  Clark,  1870-1947,  ed. 

The  Indians  of  Greater  New  York  and  the  Lower  Hudson. 

Reprint  of  the  1909  ed.  published  by  the  Trustees  of 
the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History,  New  York,  which 
was  issued  as  v.  3  of  Anthropological  papers  of  the  American 
Museum  of  Natural  History,  and  which  was  a  Hudson-Fulton 
publication. 

Includes  index. 

CONTENTS:  Skinner,  A.  The  Lenape  Indians  of  Staten 
Island.— Finch,  J.  K.  Aboriginal  remains  on  Manhattan 
Island.— Bolton,  R.  P.  The  Indians  of  Washington  Heights.— 
Skinner,  A.  Archaeology  of  Manhattan  Island,  [etc.] 

1.  Indians  of  North  America— New  York  (State).   2.  New 
York  (State)— Antiquities.   3.  Indians  of  North  America— New 
Jersey.   4.  New  Jersey— Antiquities.   I.  Title.   II.  Series: 
American  Museum  of  Natural  History,  New  York. 
Anthropological  papers;  v.  3. 
E78.N7W8    1975        974.7  004  97  74-9017 
ISBN  0-404-11914-X 


1 

v/o/.3 
)°lo  °j 


Reprinted  from  the  edition  of  1909,  New  York 
First  AMS  edition  published  in  1975 
Manufactured  in  the  United  States  of  America 

AMS  PRESS  INC. 

NEW  YORK,  N.  Y.  10003 


CONTRIBUTORS. 


Alaxsox  Skixxer. 
James  K.  Fixch. 
Reginald  Pelham  Bolton. 
M.  Raymond  Harrington. 
Max  Schrabisch. 
Frank  G.  Speck. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 


Introduction    .............  xiii 

The  Lenape  Indians  of  Staten  Island  (Plates  I-XII).    By  Alanson  Skinner. 

Introduction     ............  3 

Archaeological  Sites         ..........  4 

1.  West  New  Brighton,  Upper  or  Pelton's  Cove      ....  4 

2.  West  New  Brighton,  Ascension  Church      .....  5 

3.  Mariners'  Harbor,  Arlington       .......  5 

4.  Mariners'  Harbor,  Bowman's  Brook   6 

5.  Mariners'  Harbor,  Old  Place   8 

6.  Bloomfield  (Watchogue)     .       .              .       .       .       .       .  9 

7.  Chelsea   9 

S.  Long  Neck  (Linoleumville),  north  side       .....  9 

9.  Long  Neck  (Linoleumville),  south  side       .....  9 

10.  New  Springville,  Corson's  Brook   10 

11.  Green  Ridge,  near  Richmond  Plank  Road  .....  10 

12.  Green  Ridge,  Lake's  Island        .......  10 

13.  Woodrow   10 

14.  Rossville   11 

15.  Tottenville,  "Burial  Ridge"   11 

16.  Huguenot   16 

17.  Arrochar     .       .       .  .       .       .       .       .       .  .16 

18.  New  Brighton,  Harbor  Hill  Golf-Links   16 

19.  New  Brighton,  Silver  Lake,  etc   16 

20.  New  Brighton,  Harbor  Hill        .       .       .  '      .       .       .  .16 

21.  New  Brighton,  Nannyberry  Hill   16 

22.  Richmond  '   16 

23.  Oakwood   17 

24.  Tompkinsville   17 

Collections  of  Specimens  .       .       .       .       .       .       .       .       .  .17 

Descriptions  of  Specimens        ....              ....  18 

Stone  Implements     .       .       .       .       .       .       .       .       .  .18 

Hammerstones  ...........  19 

Rubbing  or  Polishing  Stones     .       .       .       .       .       .       .  .19 

Knives,  Drills  and  Scrapers       ........  19 

Banner  Stones   .....              .....  20 

Plummets         .......              ...  20 

A  Stone  Mask   21 

Bone  and  Antler  Tools      .       .       .       .       .       .       .       .  .21 

Pottery   23 

Pipes   26 

Copper   28 

Trade  Articles   28 

History  and  Ethnography  of  Staten  Island   29 

Cultural  Reconstruction   38 

Personal  Appearance  and  Costume   .39 

iii 


iv  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


Page. 


Vegetable  Resources  ..........  42 

Hunting    ............  43 

Fishing      ............  44 

Food  Materials  ...........  45 

Habitations       ...........  46 

Transportation   48 

Mortuary  Customs     ..........  49 

Social  and  Religious  Organization      .......  51 

Mythology        ...........  53 

Art  as  Shown  in  Pottery   53 

Resume    .............  58 

Bibliography     ............  62 

Aboriginal  Remains  on  Manhattan  Island.    By  James  K.  Finch. 

Introduction   65 

Location  of  Archaeological  Sites       ........  66 

Fort  Washington  Point      .........  68 

The  Knoll   68 

Cold  Spring       ...........  68 

Inwood  Station  Site  ..........  69 

Harlem  Ship  Canal    ..........  70 

Harlem  River  Deposit       .........  70 

Isham's  Garden         ..........  70 

Academy  Street  Garden     .........  70 

Dog  Burials  found  in  1895         ........  70 

Shell  Pockets  at  211th  Street   71 

Historical  References       ..........  72 

The  Indians  of  Washington  Heights  (Plates  XIII-XVII).    By  Reginald 
Pelham  Bolton. 

Introduction     ............  77 

Aboriginal  Remains  on  Washington  Heights     ...  85 
Relations  with  the  First  Settlers       .       .       .       .       .       .       .  .94 

The  Town  of  New  Haerlem  and  the  Passing  of  the  Red  Man    .       .       .  102 
Archaeology  of  Manhattan  Island.    By  Alanson  Skinner         .       .       .  .113 

The  Rock-shelters  of  Armonk,  New  York  (Plates  XVIII-XX).    By  M.  R. 
Harrington. 

Introduction     ............  125 

Finch's  Rock  House         ..........  125 

Nebo  Rocks   132 

Helicker's  Cave        ...........  132 

Leather  Man's  Shelter  .134 

Little  Helicker's   134 

Mahoney  Shelter      ...              .......  134 

Quartz  Quarry  Rock-shelter   135 

Riverville  Shelter     .       .       .       .       .       .       .       .       .       .  .136 

Indian  Rock-shelters  in  Northern  New  Jersey  and  Southern  New  York.  By 
Max  Schrabisch. 

Passaic  County,  New  Jersey     .       .       .       .       .  .       -  .141 

Upper  Preakness       .       .              .              .....  141 

Pompton  Junction     .....                                   .  143 


1909.] 


The  Indians  of  Greater  New  York. 


By  M.  K.  Harrington 


Morris  County,  New  Jersey 

Pompton  Plains 

Bear  Rock 

Towakhow 
Rockland  County,  New  York 

Tome  Brook 

Torne  Mountain 

Ramapo  River  . 

Pound  Hill 

Mine  Hill  . 
Orange  County,  New  York 

Tuxedo 

Horsestable  Rock 

Goshen  Mountain 
Ancient  Shell  Heaps  near  New  Y'ork  City 
Notes  on  the  Mohegan  and  Niantic  Indians  (Plates  XXI-XXIV).    By  F.  G. 
Speck. 
Introduction 
The  Mohegan  Indians 

Local  Traditions 

Material  Life 

Clothing  and  Ornaments 

Customs  and  Miscellaneous  Notes 

Shamanism 

Beliefs  and  Folk-lore  . 

Myths  .... 
The  Scaticook  Indians 
The  Western  Niantic  Indians  . 
Archaeology  of  the  New  York  Coastal 
Introduction 
Chipped  Articles 

Arrow  Points 

Spear  Points  and  Knives 

Scrapers 

Drills 
Rough  Stone  Articles 

Hammerstones 

Net-sinkers 

Hoes 

Hand  Choppers 
Grooved  Axes 
Celts 
Adzes 
Gouges 
Pestles 

Mullers,  Grinders,  and  Polishing 
Sinew  Stones 
Stone  Mortars 
Pigments,  Paint-cups,  etc 


Algonkin. 


Stones 


By 


Alanson  Skinner 


Page 
145 

145 
149 
150 
154 
154 
156 
157 
158 
159 
159 
159 
160 
163 
169 


183 
184 
185 
187 
191 
193 
195 
200 
203 
205 
206 

213 

213 
213 
214 
214 
214 
214 
214 
215 
215 
215 
215 
216 
217 
218 
219 
219 
219» 
219 
219 


vi 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  H 


istory 


[Vol.  Ill, 


Stone  Plummets 
Stone  Masks 
Semilunar  Knives 
Stone  Beads 
Polished  Stone  Article 
Gorgets 
Amulets 
Banner  Stones 
Pipes 

Steatite  Vessels 
Articles  of  Clay 

Pottery  Pipes 
Pottery  Vessels 
Articles  of  Metal 

Beads 
Articles  of  Shell 

Wampum  . 

Pendants 

Scrapers 

Pottery  Tempering 
Pottery  Stamps 
Fossils 

Articles  of  Bone  and  Antle 
Bone  Awls 
Bone  Needles 
Bone  Arrow  Points 
Harpoons  . 
Bone  Beads  and  Tubes 
Draw  Shaves  or  Beaming 
Worked  Teeth  . 
Turtle  Shell  Cups 
Turtle  Shell  Rattles 
Antler  Implements 
Cylinders  . 
Pottery  Stamps 

Trade  Articles  . 

Conclusion 
Index  .... 


Tooli 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 
Plates. 

I.    Bowman's  Brook  Site. 
II.    Grave  of  a  Child  —  Tottenville. 
Grave  of  Adults  —  Tottenville. 
III.    Position  of  Points  in  Bones,  Tottenville.    Fig.  1  (Museum  No.  20-3198), 
Human  clavicle  showing  puncture;   Fig.  2  (20-3194-5),  Stone  arrow 
point  found  between  fourth  and  eighth  rib  of  skeleton;  Fig.  3  (20-3156- 


1909.] 


The  Indians  of  Greater  New  York. 


vii 


7),  Bone  arrow  point  found  near  vertebrae  of  skeleton;  Fig.  4  (20-3155- 
6),  Antler  arrow  point  found  near  lumbar  vertebrae  of  skeleton,  as 
indicated  by  its  position;  Fig.  5  (20-3182),  Left  femur  of  skeleton  show- 
ing puncture;  Fig.  6  (20-3160-1),  Fibula  of  skeleton  fractured  by  stone 
arrow  point,  found  in  position;  Fig.  7  (20-3192-3),  Rib  of  skeleton  per- 
forated by  antler  arrow  point,  found  in  place;  Fig.  8  (20-3162-3), 
Argillite  arrow  point  found  among  ribs  of  skeleton  in  one  of  which  it 
made  an  incision;  Fig.  9  (20-3158-9),  Tip  of  antler  arrow  point  as 
found  among  vertebrae;  Fig.  10  (20-3164—5),  Bone  arrow  point  found 
with  point  resting  against  scapula;  Fig.  11  (20-3196),  Flint  arrow  point 
found  under  sternum. 
IV.  Stone  Implements.  Fig.  1.  Grooved  ax,  type  1,  class  A;  Mariners' 
Harbor;  Fig.  2.  Grooved  ax,  type  2,  class  A,  Chelsea;  Fig.  3.  Grooved 
ax,  type  3,  class  A,  New  Brighton;  Fig.  4.  Grooved  ax,  type  4,  class 
A,  Mariners'  Harbor;  Fig.  5.  Grooved  ax,  type  4,  class  A,  Mariners' 
Harbor;  Fig.  6.  Grooved  ax,  type  4,  class  A,  Kriescherville ;  Fig.  7. 
Grooved  ax,  type  5,  class  A;  Fig.  8.  Celt,  Moravian  Cemetery;  Fig.  9. 
Incipient  grooved  ax,  class  A,  Mariners'  Harbor;  Fig.  10.  Grooved 
ax,  class  B,  Chelsea;  Fig.  11.  Grooved  ax,  class  B,  Chelsea;  Fig.  12. 
Hand  chopper,  Tottenville;  Fig.  13  (Museum  No.  T-24118),  length  8 
cm.,  Grooved  ax,  class  B,  Tottenville;  Fig.  14.  Grooved  ax,  class  B, 
Mariners' Harbor;  Fig.  15.  Grooved  adze,  Elm  Park;  Fig.  16.  Notched 
ax,  Tottenville;  Fig.  17.  Celt,  Tottenville;  Fig.  18.  (Museum  No.  20- 
8113),  length  22  cm.,  Celt,  Watchogue.  Figs.  1-6,  8-12,  14-17  from  the 
Staten  Island  Association  of  Arts  and  Sciences:  Fig.  7  from  the  William 
T.  Davis  Collection. 

V.  Stone  Implements.  Fig.  1.  Grooved  maul,  Richmond;  Fig.  2.  Grooved 
maul  or  club,  Mariners'  Harbor;  Fig.  3.  Pitless  hammerstone;  Fig.  4 
(Museum  No.  T-23005),  length  12  cm.,  Double  pitted  hammerstone, 
Tottenville;  Fig.  5.  Muller  or  grinder,  Mariners'  Harbor;  Fig.  6. 
Muller  or  grinder,  Arrochar;  Fig.  7  (Museum  No.  T-24117),  length  8 
cm.,  Net  sinker  made  of  broken  grooved  ax,  Tottenville ;  Fig.  8.  Grooved 
net  sinker,  Tottenville;  Fig.  9.  Grooved  net  sinker,  Mariners'  Harbor; 
Fig.  10  (Museum  No.  T-23012),  length  7  cm.,  Notched  net  sinker, 
Tottenville;  Fig.  11  (Museum  No.  T-24107),  length  9  cm.,  Notched  net 
sinker,  Tottenville;  Fig.  12.  Polishing  or  rubbing  stone,  Tottenville; 
Fig.  13.  Gouge,  Mariners'  Harbor;  Fig.  14.  Notched  hoe  (?),  Kries- 
cherville; Fig.  15.  Notched  hoe  (?),  Tottenville;  Fig.  16.  Plain  hoe, 
Old  Place;  Fig.  17  (Museum  No.  20-3304),  length  16  cm.,  Pottery 
smoothing  stone  (?)  or  polisher,  Tottenville;  Fig.  18.  Pestle,  Arrochar. 
Figs.  1-7,  9,  12-16,  18  from  the  Staten  Island  Association  of  Arts  and 
Sciences;  Fig.  8  from  the  William  T.  Davis  Collection. 
VI.  Drills,  Scrapers  and  other  Objects.  Fig.  1.  Round  flint  scraper,  Fig.  2. 
Flint  scraper;  Fig.  3.  Flint  scraper  made  from  broken  arrow  point, 
Rossville;  Fig.  4.  Stemmed  flint  scraper;  Fig.  5.  Stemmed  scraper, 
unusually  large,  Mariners'  Harbor;  Fig.  6.  Scraper,  very  large,  Totten- 
ville; Fig.  7  -(Museum  No.  20-3296),  length  5  cm.;  Fig.  8.  Scraper, 
serrated,  Rossville;  Fig.  9  (Museum  No.  20-6613),  length  4  cm.,  Mari- 
ner's Harbor;    Fig.  10.  Scraper,  stemmed,  made  from  broken  arrow 


viii 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


point,  Mariners' Harbor;  Fig.  11.  Drill,  Kriescherville ;  Fig.  12.  Drill, 
very  small,  double  pointed,  Mariners'  Harbor;  Fig.  13.  Drill,  very- 
small,  double  pointed,  Linoleumville ;  Fig.  14.  Drill,  rough-based, 
Mariner's  Harbor;  Fig.  15.  Drill,  argillite,  Mariners'  Harbor;  Fig.  16. 
Drill,  argillite,  very  large  base,  Mariners'  Harbor;  Fig.  17.  Drill,  Old 
Place;  Fig.  18.  Drill,  Mariners'  Harbor;  Fig.  19  (Museum  No.  20-6607), 
length  5  cm.,  Drill,  red  jasper,  Old  Place;  Fig.  20  (Museum  No.  T- 
24061),  length  5.5  cm.,  Drill,  argillite,  Tottenville;  Fig.  21  (Museum  No. 
T-24055),  length  5  cm.,  Drill,  Tottenville;  Fig.  22  (Museum  No.  T- 
2406),  length  3.3  cm.,  Drill,  rare  type,  Tottenville;  Fig.  23.  Drill, 
Mariners' Harbor;  Fig.  24.  Drill,  Mariners' Harbor;  Fig.  25.  Drill;  Fig. 
26.  Museum  No.  20-3105),  length  5.4  cm.,  Broken  pottery,  showing 
drilling  to  facilitate  mending,  Tottenville;  Fig.  27.  "Sinew  Stone,"  so- 
called,  Tottenville;  Fig.  28.  "Plummet  stone,"  so-called,  Watchogue; 
Fig.  29.  Brass  arrow  point,  "trade"  article  (perforated),  Watchogue; 
Fig.  30.  Brass  arrow  point,  "trade"  article  (non-perforated),  Old  Place; 
Fig.  31.  Pewter  ring,  "trade"  (?),  Old  Place;  Fig.  32.  Perforated  frag- 
ment of  brass  or  copper,  Old  Place;  Fig.  23.  Brass  thimble,  "trade" 
object,  Rossville;  Fig.  34.  Fossil  shark's  tooth,  Watchogue.  Figs. 
1-6,  8,  10-13,  15-18,  23-25,  28-34  from  the  Staten  Island  Association  of 
Arts  and  Sciences,  Figs.  14,  27  from  the  William  T.  Davis  Collection. 
VII.    Knives  and  Scrapers.    Fig.  1.  Large  flint  knife,  New  Brighton;  Fig.  2. 

Large  flint  knife  or  spear  head,  Lake's  Island;  Fig.  3.  Argillite  knife, 
Watchogue;  Fig.  5.  Chert  knife,  West  New  Brighton;  Fig.  6.  Yellow 
jasper  knife.  Watchogue;  Fig.  7.  Yellow  jasper  knife,  New  Brighton; 
Fig.  8.  Flint  knife  covered  with  oyster  spots,  Fresh  Kill;  Fig.  9.  Round 
flint  knife,  Tottenville;  Fig.  10  (Museum  No.  T-24051),  length  8  cm., 
flint  knife  or  spear  Tottenville;  Fig.  11.  Flint  knife  or  spear,  Watchogue; 
Fig.  12.  Flint  knife,  Tottenville;  Fig.  13.  Flint  knife,  Lake's  Island; 
Fig.  14.  Flint  knife,  Linoleumville;  Fig.  15.  Flint  knife,  Lake's 
Island;  Fig.  16.  Fragment,  semilunar  knife,  Mariners'  Harbor;  Fig. 
17.  Fragment,  semilunar  knife.  Old  Place;  Fig.  18  (Museum  No.  20- 
3286),  length  9  cm.,  Cache  blade,  Tottenville;  Fig.  19  (Museum  No. 
20-3231),  length  7  cm.,  Cache  blade,  Tottenville;  Fig.  20.  Unfinished 
semilunar  knife,  Mariner's  Harbor;  Fig.  21.  Cache  blade,  Old  Place; 
Fig.  22.  Cache  blade,  Old  Place.  Figs.  1-4,  6-8,  11-17,  20-22  from 
the  Staten  Island  Association  of  Arts  and  Sciences,  Figs.  5,  9  from  the 
William  T.  Davis  Collection. 
VIII.  Banner  Stones.  Fig.  1.  Double  holed  gorget,  Old  Place;  Fig.  2  (Mu- 
seum No.  50-7189),  Double  holed  gorget,  Canadian  Lenap£;  Fig.  3 
(Museum  No.  20-3302),  length  8.5  cm.,  Single  holed  gorget,  two  previous 
perforations  broken  out,  Tottenville;  Fig.  4.  Single  holed  gorget, 
broken,  Tottenville;  Fig.  5  (Museum  No.  20-3280),  length  10  cm., 
Irregularly  shaped  mica  object,  perforation  started,  Tottenville;  Fig.  6. 
Unfinished  gorget  or  banner  stone,  Tottenville;  Fig.  7.  Fragment 
grooved  banner  stone,  Mariners'  Harbor;  Fig.  8.  Fragment  perfo- 
rated banner  stone,  Tottenville;  Fig.  9.  Broken  perforated  banner 
stone,  Mariners'  Harbor;  Fig.  10.  Broken  perforated  banner  stone, 
Mariners'  Harbor;   Fig.  11.  Broken  perforated  banner  stone,  Mariners' 


1909.] 


The  Indians  of  Greater  New  York. 


ix 


Harbor.    Figs.  1,  6-11  from  the  Staten  Island  Association  of  Arts  and 
Sciences,  Fig.  4  from  the  William  T.  Davis  Collection. 
IX.    A  Stone  Head  —  Grasmere. 

Tobacco  Pipes:  Fig.  1.  Rude  straight  clay  pipe  (fragment),  Rossville; 
Fig.  2.  Flat  sided  angular  clay  pipe  (fragment),  Mariners'  Harbor; 
Fig.  3.  Decorated  fragment  clay  pipe  bowl,  Watchogue;  Fig.  4.  Deco- 
rated fragment  clay  pipe  bowl,  Watchogue;  Fig.  5.  Decorated  frag- 
ment clay  pipe  bowl,  Watchogue;  Fig.  6  (Museum  No.  20-3270),  length 
6  cm.,  Steatite  pipe,  monitor  type,  Tottenville;  Fig.  7.  Straight  clay 
pipe,  plain  partially  restored;  Mariners'  Harbor;  Fig.  8.  Bent  clay 
pipe,  plain  (fragment),  Mariners'  Harbor;  Fig.  9.  Decorated  clay  pipe 
stem  reworked  into  bead,  Watchogue;  Fig.  11.  Decorated  clay  pipe 
stem,  Tottenville;  Fig.  12.  Decorated  clay  pipe  bowl  (fragment),  Mari- 
ner's Harbor;  Fig.  13.  Decorated  clay  pipe,  broken,  bent  stem,  Totten- 
ville; Fig.  14.  Decorated  clay  pipe  stem,  Mariners'  Harbor;  Fig.  15. 
Decorated  clay  pipe  stem,  Mariners'  Harbor;  Fig.  16.  Decorated  clay 
pipe  stem,  flat  type,  Watchogue;  Fig.  17.  Plain  clay  pipe  stem,  flat 
type,  Richmond  Valley.  Figs  1,  2,  7-10,  12-17  from  the  Staten  Island 
Association  of  Arts  and  Sciences;  Figs.  3-5,  11  from  the  William  T. 
Davis  Collection. 

X.  Bone  and  Antler  Tools.  Fig.  1  (Museum  No.  20-3306),  length  12  cm.;  Fig. 
2  (20-3308),  length  8.3  cm.;  Fig.  7  (20-3191),  length  7.5  cm.;  Fig.  8 
(20-3166),  length  6.3  cm.;  Fig.  9  (20-3199),  length,  6.9  cm.;  Fig.  10 
(20-3167),  length  6.1  cm.;  Fig.  13  (20-3318),  length  5.5  cm.;  Fig.  14 
(20-3315),  length  20.7  cm.;  Fig.  22  (20-3133);  Figs.  3,  4,  5,  6,  11,  12, 
15,  16,  17,  18,  19,  20,  21  (Staten  Island  Association  of  Arts  and  Sciences). 
XI.  Shell  Objects.  Figs.  7-14  (Museum  No.  20-3278);  Fig.  18  (20-4986), 
length  2.7  cm.;  Figs.  1,  2,  3,  4,  5,  6,  15,  16,  17  (Staten  Island  Association 
of  Arts  and  Sciences). 
XII.    Arrow  Points.    Fig.  52  (Museum  No.  T-^4059),  length  3.5  cm.;  Figs. 

20,  21,  27  (William  T.  Davis  Collection);  Figs.  1-20,  22-37,  38-52, 
53-65  (Staten  Island  Association  of  Arts  and  Sciences). 

XIII.  A  Shell-Pit  on  Seaman  Avenue. 
The  Core  of  a  Shell-Pit. 

XIV.  A  Cut  on  Seaman  Avenue  showing  relic-bearing  Strata. 
Uncovering  an  Indian  Pot  at  214th  Street  and  10th  Avenue. 

XV.    Pottery  Vessel  found  at  214th  Street  and  10th  Avenue.    (Bolton  and 
Calver  Collection),  length  34  cm. 
XVI.    Inwood  Rock-shelter,  Manhattan. 

An  Indian  Burial  on  Seaman  Avenue. 
XVII.  Relics  from  Manhattan  Island.  Fig.  2  (Museum  No.  20-3247),  length 
10.7  cm.;  Fig.  4  (T-23272),  length  9.7  cm.;  Fig.  8  (20-3411),  length 
15  cm.;  Fig.  10  (20-3437),  length  14.7  cm.;  Fig.  12  (1-4088),  length 
12  cm.;  Fig.  1  (Bolton  and  Calver  Collection),  length  3.7  cm.;  Fig.  3 
(Bolton  and  Calver  Collection),  length  3.5  cm. ;  Fig.  5  (Bolton  and  Calver 
Collection),  length,  3.8  cm. ;  Fig.  6  (Bolton  and  Calver  Collection),  length 
10.4  cm.;  Fig.  7  (Bolton  and  Calver  Collection);  length  7.8  cm.;  Fig.  9 
(Bolton  and  Calver  Collection),  length  8.4  cm.;  Fig.  11  (Bolton  and 
Calver  Collection),  length  33  cm. 


X 

Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 

XVTTT 
A.  \  1 1 1 . 

r  linn  s  auik  nuusc. 

JTHrllLKtrl  S  v_d.\tr. 

XTX 

^. v.  i.    v  • 

T  p^tthpr  \T*itV<  T?  r»pL~-<hpltpr 

"Rivprvillp  Shpltpr 

xx 

VI  o  n  AnoT    J  ■?  r  \  r»  L"  cnoltor 
-AltlI10Il^\    XvL/LlV-SIltM  Itrl  . 

Oinrtz  Onnrrv  Rnpk-shpltpr 

XX7 

XXTT 

Rrnt nprton- \lnnp(T^  n  in  i  rwtnmp 

lUUiuWIU    .'lUllCtall    111    \_  Uol  U111C  . 

Group  of  Mohegan  Indians. 

XXIII. 

Xiantic  Woman. 

Mohegan  Woman. 

XXIV. 

A.  S.  Nunsuch,  Xiantic. 

Text  Figures. 

Page. 

1. 

Sites  at  Mariners'  Harbor        .....  ... 

6 

2 

Fragments  of  Pottery,  Staten  Island  Museum  ..... 

54 

3. 

Pottery  Designs  and  Rims,  Staten  Island  Museum  ..... 

55 

4. 

Fragment  of  Pottery,  Staten  Island  Museum  ...... 

56 

5. 

Pottery  Designs,  Staten  Island  Museum  ...... 

59 

6. 

Location  of  Burials,  Pits  and  Shell-Beds  near  Inwood  .... 

86 

7. 

Implements  of  Bone  and  Horn,  Van  Cortlandt  Park  .... 

87 

8. 

Bottom  of  an  Algonkin  Vessel  Showing  a  Peculiar  Point.    Manhattan  Is- 

land ............. 

89 

9. 

Incised  and  Stamped  Fragments  of  Algonkin  Pottery,  Manhattan  Island 

90 

10. 

Designs  from  Vessels  found  on  Manhattan  Island  ..... 

93 

11. 

Piece  of  Worked  Bone.    Van  Cortlandt  Park  ..... 

113 

12. 

Stone  Implement.    Van  Cortlandt  Park  ...... 

114 

13. 

Incised  Designs  from  Iroquoian  Vessels.     Manhattan  Island  . 

115 

14. 

Incised  Designs  from  Iroquoian  Vessels.    Manhattan  Island  and  Van 

Cortlandt  Park  

116 

15. 

Incised  Designs  from  Iroquoian  Pottery  Vessels,  Showing  Conventional 

Faces.    Kingsbridge  and  Van  Cortlandt  Park  ..... 

116 

1(). 

Stamped  Designs  from  the  Intermediate  Type  of  Vessel.    Van  Cortlandt 

Park  

117 

17. 

Stamped  and  Incised  Designs  from  Intermediate  and  Iroquoian  Types. 

Van  Cortlandt  Park  

118 

18. 

Incised  Designs  from  Algonkin  Pottery  Vessels.    Manhattan  Island 

119 

19. 

Potsherds  of  the  Intermediate  Type,  Showing  Odd  Designs 

120 

20. 

Ground  Plan  of  "Finch's  Rock  House"  ....... 

126 

21. 

Vertical  Section  of  Refuse  in  Finch's  Rock  House,  Trench  2  . 

128 

22. 

Vertical  Section  of  Refuse  in  Finch's  Rock  House,  about  midway  of  the 

Cave,  Fig.  21  

129 

23. 

Rock-shelter  Region  of  Westchester  Co.,  N.  Y.  and  Fairfield  Co.,  Conn. 

131 

24. 

Ground  Plan  of  Helicker's  Cave  ........ 

133 

25. 

Ground  Plan  of  Quartz  Quarry  Rock-shelter  ...... 

135 

26. 

Plan  of  Riverville  Rock-shelter  ........ 

137 

27. 

Diagram  of  a  Typical  Shell  Deposit  ....... 

169 

28. 

Cross  Section  of  a  Shell-Pit  ......... 

170 

1909.] 


The  Indians  of  Greater  New  York. 


xi 


Page  . 

29. 

Map  Giving  the  Locations  of  Shell  Deposits  ...... 

178 

30. 

Mohegan  Bow          ....  ...... 

190 

31. 

Cross  Section  of  a  Bow     .....  .... 

190 

32. 

Heads  and  Feathering  of  Mohegan  Arrows  ...... 

191 

33. 

Basketry  Design  ........... 

209 

34. 

A  hafted  Celt  from  a  Pond  at  Thorndale,  Dutchess  Co.,  X.  Y. 

218 

35. 

Pottery  Forms  of  the  Coastal  Algonkin  ....... 

223 

36. 

Typical  Algonkin  Pottery  Pipe,  from  Port  "Washington,  L.  I.,  and  fragment 

of  an  effigy  Pipe  from  the  same  Locality  ...... 

224 

37. 

Incised  Designs  from  Pottery  Vessels  ....... 

225 

38. 

Incised  Designs  from  Algonkin  Vessels  ....... 

226 

39. 

Map  showing  the  Location  of  the  New  York  Coastal  Algonkin  and  their 

Neighbors  ............ 

232 

Introduction. 


This  volume  was  issued  on  the  occasion  of  the  Hudson-Fulton  celebra- 
tion in  New  York  City,  for  which  a  special  exhibition  of  anthropological 
material  from  the  Lower  Hudson  River  was  made  in  this  Museum.  This 
exhibition  not  only  contained  representative  specimens  from  the  Museum's 
collection,  but  from  those  of  several  private  collectors,  thus  presenting  a 
general  view  of  the  entire  locality.  At  the  same  time,  it  seemed  advisable 
to  bring  together  at  least  a  part  of  the  results  accruing  from  the  labors  of  the 
various  students  of  local  problems  to  whose  interest,  enthusiasm  and  self- 
sacrifice,  the  existing  data  concerning  the  aboriginal  inhabitants  of  the 
locality  is  due.  Naturally,  these  contributors  view  the  local  problems  from 
somewhat  different  points  of  regard  and  are  not  always  in  agreement  as  to 
their  interpretations.  In  the  main,  all  have  followed  the  same  general 
method  of  reconstructing  the  prehistoric  culture  by  welding  together  the 
available  ethno  historical  and  archaeological  data,  a  method  justified  by  the 
failure  to  find  neither  local  evidences  of  great  antiquity  nor  indications  of 
successive  or  contemporaneous  culture  types.  The  work  on  Staten  Island 
is  more  advanced  than  that  of  Manhattan  and  the  adjacent  shores,  Mr. 
Skinner  having  brought  together  all  the  available  data  with  the  results  of 
his  own  detailed  survey.  This  Island  presents  somewhat  unique  conditions 
in  that  it  constitutes  a  definite  geographical  unit  of  convenient  size  but 
without  effective  barriers  to  intrusion;  that  its  archaeological  remains 
seem  to  have  belonged  to  one  and  the  same  culture,  that  of  the  historic 
Indians;  and  in  that  it  appears  to  have  been  uninhabited  during  remote 
times.  Its  aboriginal  culture  has  been  classed  with  that  of  Manhattan  and 
adjacent  shores  as  of  the  coastal  Algonkin  type,  and  may  serve  as  a  char- 
acteristic of  the  whole. 

In  many  respects,  the  most  unique  feature  of  this  volume,  is  the  discussion 
of  rock-shelters  of  which  a  number  have  been  explored  and  doubtless  many 
more  remain  to  be  discovered.  Interest  in  them  is  partly  due  to  the  obvious 
analogies  to  European  caves,  but  chiefly  to  their  apparent  presentation  of 
chronological  cultural  differences  respecting  the  use  of  pottery.  While  the 
evidence  so  far  presented  does  not  warrant  the  assumption  that  the  absence 
of  pottery  in  the  lower  levels  of  these  shelters  indicates  its  contemporaneous 
absence  throughout  the  whole  area,  no  adequate  explanation  for  these 
differences  presents  itself,  a  condition  raising  a  problem  of  something  more 

xiii 


xiv  Anthropological  Pavers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


than  local  significance.  Attention  to  local  rock-shelters  was  first  due  to 
Mr.  Alexander  Chenoweth's  discovery  of  a  small  cave  among  some  fallen 
rocks  at  Cold  Spring  near  the  extreme  northern  end  of  Manhattan  Island 
during  the  year  1894.  About  and  in  the  cave  itself  were  evidences  of  former 
Indian  occupation.  In  1900,  Mr.  M.  R.  Harrington,  then  an  officer  of  this 
Museum,  began  a  systematic  investigation  of  Manhattan  and  adjacent 
territory,  discovering  a  number  of  relic-bearing  rock-shelters  in  Westchester 
County,  New  York,  the  most  promising  of  which  were  carefully  excavated. 
At  about  the  same  time,  Mr.  Max  Schrabisch,  privately  and  chiefly  at  his 
own  initiative,  began  a  search  for  rock  shelters  on  the  opposite,  or  west  side 
of  the  Hudson.  Several  other  persons  have  reported  rock- shelters  from  the 
surrounding  regions  but,  so  far,  the  only  systematic  presentation  of  the 
subject  is  to  be  found  in  this  volume.  There  is  every  reason  to  believe  that 
such  shelters  abound  throughout  the  adjacent  parts  of  New  England  and  the 
Middle  Atlantic  States,  ottering  an  important  field  for  further  investigation. 

Another  peculiarity  of  local  archaeology,  concerning  which  the  various 
observers  have  quite  different  opinions,  is  the  "dog  burial."  While  this  may 
be  of  considerable  ethnographic  importance,  its  ethnological  significance  is 
little  more  than  a  puzzle. 

The  best  known  local  remains  are  the  shell  deposits,  a  number  of  which 
have  been  explored  for  this  Museum.  These  are  scarcely  to  be  considered 
unique  forming  as  they  do  an  integral  part  of  the  well  known  Atlantic  coast 
chain  of  such  deposits.  The  local  deposits  are  not  necessarily  of  great 
antiquity  and  so  far,  seem  to  show  but  one  type  of  culture,  that  of  the  locality 
as  a  whole. 

Throughout  the  archaeological  sections  of  this  volume,  the  plan  was  to 
omit  the  long  detailed  descriptions  of  the  minute  individualities  of  specimens 
so  often  encountered  in  our  literature  on  the  ground  that  such  microscopic 
work  reveals,  in  the  main,  what  are  relatively  unimportant  variations,  rarely 
of  value  in  the  solution  of  cultural  problems.  In  the  present  case,  at  least, 
it  seemed  best  to  point  out  what  appeared  to  be  the  type  characters  of  the 
various  specimens  and  their  respective  distributions,  referring  to  such  minute 
features  as  seemed  to  be  correlated  with  particular  localities  only,  or  such 
as  had  some  bearing  upon  the  particular  problems  under  consideration. 
In  the  final  paper  of  this  volume  special  emphasis  has  been  given  to  the 
distribution  of  the  several  specimen  types  and  varieties  as  indicating  the 
geographical  limits  of  cultures,  a  kind  of  archaeological  work  now  greatly 
needed  in  most  parts  of  North  America. 

Unfortunately,  there  is  now  available  no  systematic  study  of  surviving 
representatives  of  tribes  related  to  those  formerly  residing  in  this  locality. 
We  have  in  small  measure  made  some  amends  for  this  omission  by  the 


1909.] 


The  Indians  of  Greater  New  York. 


xv 


presentation  of  historical  data  and  a  paper  upon  the  few  surviving  Mohegans 
of  the  Connecticut  Valley.  Though  not  strictly  representatives  of  the  extinct 
local  bands  of  Indians  the  Mohegans  were  probably  closely  allied  to  the 
historic  Mahican  once  holding  the  middle  of  the  Hudson  Valley;  and, 
making  due  allowance  for  New  England  influence,  may  be  taken  as  a  sug- 
gestion as  to  the  former  culture  of  tribes  occupying  the  Bronx,  the  shores 
of  the  Harlem  and  the  Sound.  That  there  was  not  available  a  study  of  the 
surviving  Delaware  and  Muncey,  whose  ancestors  were  closely  affiliated  with 
tribes  formerly  holding  the  Jersey  shore  is  to  be  regretted,  since  there  are  not 
wanting  in  these  pages  suggestions  that  their  cultural  traits  were  in  many 
respects  the  prevailing  characteristics  of  this  locality. 

The  editor  hopes  this  volume  may  stimulate  the  investigation  of  local 
problems,  especially  the  collection  of  such  data  as  may  yet  be  obtained  from 
the  scattered  remnants  of  local  tribes  now  on  the  verge  of  extinction;  for 
while  the  anthropology  of  the  Hudson  Valley  has  a  peculiar  local  interest 
to  this  Museum,  its  problems  have  an  important  bearing  upon  the  general 
anthropology  of  the  Atlantic  States. 

The  editor  is  under  great  obligations  to  the  officers  of  the  Staten  Island 
Association  of  Arts  and  Sciences  for  illustrations  of  many  specimens  in  the 
collections  of  that  institution  and  to  the  several  authors  of  the  integral  parts 
of  this  volume  for  the  use  of  photographs  and  specimens.  He  desires  to 
make  special  acknowledgment  to  Mr.  Alanson  Skinner,  who  arranged  the 
local  anthropological  exhibition  for  the  Hudson-Fulton  Celebration,  for 
assistance  in  arranging  the  details  of  the  publication.  He  is  also  under 
obligations  to  Mr.  William  Orchard  for  many  photographs  and  the  arrange- 
ment of  the  illustrations,  to  Miss  Ruth  B.  Howe  for  a  number  of  drawings 
and  to  Miss  Bella  Weitzner  for  assistance  in  preparing  the  volume  for  the 
press.  Finally,  recognition  should  be  given  the  members  of  the  Hudson 
Fulton  Commission  for  the  opportunity  of  making  the  exhibit  that  suggested 
this  publication  and  the  special  exhibition  guide  prepared  at  that  time. 
In  this  connection  the  Editor  wishes  to  acknowledge  his  personal  obligations 
to  Dr.  George  F.  Kunz  for  many  helpful  suggestions  in  the  formative  stages 
of  the  work. 

The  Editor. 


THE  LENAPE  INDIANS  OF  STATEN  ISLAND. 

BY 

ALANSON  SKINNER. 


Introduction. 


Staten  Island,  better  known  as  the  Borough  of  Richmond,  New  York 
City,  is  geographically  a  part  of  the  state  of  New  Jersey,  from  which  it  is 
separated  only  by  the  narrow  tidal  waters  of  the  Kill  Van  Kull  and  the 
Staten  Island  Sound.  The  shore  bordering  these  bodies  of  water  is  apt  to 
be  marshy.  Salt  meadows  and  swamps,  cut  by  innumerable  tidal  creeks, 
stretch  back  a  distance  of  a  few  hundred  yards  to  a  mile  or  more,  towards 
the  generally  wooded  upland;  but  here  and  there  long  dunes  or,  as  they 
are  locally  called,  "hummocks"  of  red  sand  run  out  on  the  meadow,  or  rise 
as  isolated  meadow  islands  some  distance  from  the  upland.  This  is  espe- 
cially the  case  with  the  northern  and  northwestern  shores  of  the  Island. 
Towards  the  southern  end,  the  mainland  itself  becomes  of  a  sandy  charac- 
ter, frequently  overlying  beds  of  clay  and  kaolin  at  comparatively  shallow 
depths,  as  in  the  immediately  adjoining  mainland  of  New  Jersey.  Ser- 
pentine hills  occur  in  the  interior  of  the  Island  and  are  wooded,  even  to  the 
present  day.  The  eastern  shore,  bordering  upon  the  Raritan  and  New 
York  Bays,  is  mostly  sandy  beach;  sometimes  with  a  clay  bluff.  On  the 
northeastern  shores,  salt  meadows  terminating  in  mud  flats  or  beaches  occur 
immediately  behind.  Along  this  coast,  the  continual  beating  of  the  waves 
has  eroded  and  worn  away  the  shore  line  many  feet  within  the  memory  of 
living  man,  and  consequently  the  shore  line  of  aboriginal  days  must  lie  far 
out  beneath  the  surface  of  the  water.  It  may  be  said  that,  in  its  present 
condition,  there  are  very  few  traces  of  aboriginal  occupation  along  this 
eastern  shore. 

On  the  Sound  side  of  the  Island,  beginning  at  West  New  Brighton  and 
continuing  all  the  way  to  Tottenville,  wherever  there  are  sand  dunes,  there 
lies  one  practically  unbroken  chain  of  sites  of  former  Indian  habitations  and 
the  like.  In  no  instance,  excepting  near  the  southern  end  of  the  Island,  at 
Rossville  and  Woodrow,  where  the  sandy  soil  extends  inland,  and  along  one 
or  two  brooks  and  lakes  in  the  interior,  do  these  sites  occur  elsewhere  than 
along  the  shores  of  the  Island. 

The  aboriginal  remains  occurring  in  this  region  may  be  easily  classified 
into  villages,  shell-heaps,  burials  and  camps.  By  a  village  site,  the  writer 
means  an  area  showing  traces  of  prolonged  occupation  by  several  lodges, 
with  their  attendant  dump  holes  or  refuse  pits. 


3 


4 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.    [Vol.  Ill, 


Shell-heaps,  or  kitchen-middens,  are  of  two  sorts.  Spots  where  the  use- 
less shells  have  been  thrown  away  when  shell  fish  were  being  dried,  and 
refuse  heaps  containing  the  shells  of  bivalves  consumed  on  or  near  the  spot, 
together  with  animal  bones,  whole  and  broken  implements,  pottery  and 
various  debris.  The  latter  differ  from  shell  pits  or  refuse  pits  by  their 
greater  magnitude,  and  were  probably  more  generally  used  as  public  dump- 
ing grounds.  They  are  invariably  found  near  village  sites,  although  not 
every  such  site  has  its  shell-heap.  Heaps  of  shells,  discarded  when  drying 
oysters  for  future  consumption,  often  occur  at  a  long  distance  from  other 
traces  of  occupation.  To  these,  we  have  given  the  title  of  "Drying  Heaps;" 
they  contain  no  relics.  The  custom  of  drying  oysters  for  preservation  was 
well  remembered  by  the  Shinnecock  Indians  of  Long  Island  in  1902.  They 
claimed  to  have  paid  tribute  to  the  Iroquois  in  these. 

The  title  "Burial  Site"  sufficiently  explains  itself.  A  camp  or  lodge 
site  is,  according  to  the  definition  here  adopted,  a  temporary  abiding  place 
usually  some  distance  from  the  nearest  village.  Such  sites  sometimes 
yield  potsherds  or  a  few  bones,  shells  and  implements;  but  never  have  the 
appearance  of  having  been  permanent  abodes. 

Rock-shelters,  quarries,  etc.,  for  obvious  geologic  reasons,  do  not  occur. 
Owing  to  the  constant  encroachment  of  householders,  factories,  etc.,  many 
sites  have  been  obliterated. 

Archaeological  Sites. 

In  the  following  list  of  sites,  the  writer  has  endeavored  to  give  a  resume" 
of  the  data  personally  collected,  or  published  elsewhere,  mainly  in  the 
Proceedings  of  the  Natural  Science  Association  of  Staten  Island:  1 

I.  West  Nrir  Brighton,  Upper  or  Pellons  ('ore.  A  village  site  and 
burial  ground  at  Upper  or  Pelton's  Cove  occur  between  Livingston  and 
West  New  Brighton.  When  the  Shore  Road  was  cut  through  this  place 
many  years  ago,  numbers  of  skeletons,  etc.,  were  found.  This  site  is  now 
obliterated.  During  the  last  ten  or  twenty  years,  there  has  been  absolutely 
nothing  to  show  aboriginal  occupation.  Old  people  now  living  remember 
when  a  large  sand  dune  was  to  be  seen  at  this  spot,  and  the  finding  of  human 
bones  and  other  objects  washed  out  by  rains.  In  Hagedorn's  "Staten 
Islander,"  June  4th,  1S56,  the  following  account  concerning  this  site  occurs: 


1  On  the  map  accompanying  Mr.  Wm.  T.  Davis'  pamphlet  on  "Staten  Island  Names,  Ye 
Olde  Names  and  Nicknames,"  published  by  the  Natural  Science  Association  of  Staten  Island, 
in  March,  1896,  a  number  of  sites  are  shown  where  Indian  implements  had  been  found  up  to 
that  time. 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Staten  Island. 


5 


"Mr.  Dissosway's  lecture  on  the  Indians  of  Staten  Island,  last  Friday  evening, 
was  attended  by  many  of  our  most  prominent  citizens.  The  Church  was  filled  as 
usual.  Mr.  Dissosway  delighted  his  audience  with  a  mass  of  historical  facts  and 
incidents  highly  instructive  and  interesting.  At  the  close  of  his  remarks,  he  exhibited 
to  the  audience  some  skulls  of  the  Red  men,  found  on  Mr.  Samuel  Pelton's  farm, 
together  with  their  arrows  and  other  articles  used  by  them  in  peace  and  war.  Mr. 
Pelton  had  very  kindly  sent  them  to  the  Society  that  the  public  might  have  an 
opportunity  to  see  them." 

2.  West  New  Brighton,  Ascension  Church.  A  village  site,  now  obliter- 
ated, has  been  reported  at  West  New  Brighton.  This  is  said  to  have  been 
situated,  in  part,  between  Cedar  and  Dongan  Streets.  When  the  founda- 
tion for  the  new  Parish  House  of  the  Church  of  the  Ascension  was  being  dug 
in  the  spring  of  1903,  shells,  skeletons  and  implements  are  said  to  have  been 
found.  A  three-pitted  hammerstone  and  a  small  fragment  of  pottery  were 
found  by  the  writer.  The  skeletons,  or  rather  the  human  bones  seen  by  the 
writer,  were  recent  white  men's  bones;  but  we  were  told  that,  in  the  older 
part  of  the  graveyard,  skeletons  were  found  in  unmarked  graves,  with  which 
implements  were  discovered.  As  these  skeletons  were  said  to  have  been 
flexed  in  the  usual  Indian  fashion,  possibly  the  succeeding  Whites  selected 
the  same  spot  for  their  graveyard  that  the  Indians  had  used,  as  has  often 
happened.  It  is  improbable  that  Indians  and  white  settlers  used  the  same 
burial  ground  simultaneously;  although  there  has  been  a  cemetery  here 
for  many  years.  The  objects  said  to  have  been  found  were  stone  axes  and 
the  like,  while  Indians  at  the  time  of  the  settlers  would  undoubtedly  have 
had  the  iron  tomahawk  and  usual  trade  articles.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that 
no  one  versed  in  archaeology  was  present  at  the  discovery  of  these  Indian 
graves,  if  such  they  were. 

At  Mariners'  Harbor,  beginning  about  half  a  mile  south  of  the  station 
and  running  north  to  Bowman's  Point,  in  every  field  are  traces  of  prolonged 
occupation,  fire-cracked  stones,  flint  chips,  potsherds  and  the  like  (Fig.  1). 
Two  spots,  however,  are  deserving  of  especial  mention. 

3.  Mariners'  Harbor,  Arlington.  On  South  Avenue,  just  opposite  the 
Arlington  station  of  the  Staten  Island  Rapid  Transit  Railroad,  is  what 
remains  of  a  once  much  larger  low  sandy  knoll,  most  of  which  has  been  dug 
away  (Fig.  1).  In  May,  1902,  half-a-dozen  shell  pits  were  opened,  all  of 
which  averaged  from  four  to  six  feet  deep,  with  about  an  equal  breadth. 
They  were  all  bowl-shaped  and  contained  animal  bones,  oyster  shells,  etc. 
Several  bone  and  antler  implements,  a  quantity  of  typical  Algonkin  pottery, 
fragments  of  quite  a  number  of  clay  pipes,  stone  arrow  points,  scrapers, 
hammerstones  and  a  flat,  thin,  double-sided  mortar  or  metate  were  found. 
A  portion  of  a  pestle,  a  grooved  axe,  and  a  grooved  adze  were  picked  up 


6 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.    [Vol.  Ill, 


nearby.  Several  small  shell-heaps  averaging  ten  by  six  feet,  and  from  four 
to  six  inches  deep,  containing  the  usual  camp  refuse,  were  also  opened.  In 
the  nearby  fields,  portions  of  a  couple  of  bannerstones,  grooved  axes,  a 
couple  of  celts  and  a  number  of  celt  (?)  blades  were  picked  up.  Celts  are 
very  rare  on  the  north  shore  of  Staten  Island;  the  writer  in  ten  years  of 
collecting  has  never  obtained  a  single  specimen,  and  has  not  seen  more  than 


Fig.  1.    Sites  at  Mariner's  Harbor. 


two  or  three.  A  stone  gouge,  the  only  one  reported  from  Staten  Island,  was 
also  found  nearby. 

4.  Mariners'  Harbor,  Bowman  s  Brook  site  is  situated  on  the  shore  of 
Kill  van  Kull,  running  inland  for  some  distance  along  the  north  shore  of 
Bowman's  Brook,  or,  as  it  is  often  called,  Newton's  Creek  or  Deharts 
Brook  (Fig.  1).    In  the  early  spring  of  1903,  the  firm  of  Milliken  Bros. 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Staten  Island. 


7 


started  work  on  a  large  steel  plant  which  now  covers  the  entire  ground  once 
occupied  by  this  site.  As  the  sand  was  dug  out  and  carted  away,  the  shell 
pits,  fireplaces  and  refuse  dump  of  a  large  village  were  exposed  and  many 
examined  by  us.  Later  the  village  cemetery  also  came  to  light.  Probably 
from  fifty  to  one  hundred  pits  were  exposed  in  all,  during  the  years  1903-7, 
and  the  contents  of  most  of  these  were  lost.  These  pits  were  bowl-shaped 
and,  like  those  at  the  site  at  Arlington  station,  averaged  from  four  to  six  feet 
in  width;  the  average  depth  was  from  three  to  six  feet.  In  some  cases,  the 
pits  had  the  appearance  of  having  been  used  for  some  time,  probably  as 
garbage  dumps.  A  layer  of  fresh  clean  sand  having  been  thrown  over  them 
when  they  became  offensive,  a  new  deposit  of  refuse  was  started,  a  practice 
which  now  may  be  observed  sometimes  among  both  Whites  and  Indians. 
In  one  case,  the  complete  skeleton  of  a  dog,  laid  out  in  regular  order  on  one 
side,  was  found.  It  was  buried  at  a  considerable  depth,  and  covered  with  a 
layer  of  oyster  shells  and  charcoal. 

The  abundance  of  potsherds  on  this  site  was  remarkable,  and  the  earthen- 
ware varied  greatly  in  quality  and  design.  The  majority  of  the  specimens 
were  of  the  typical  Algonkin  type,  but  some  were  distinctly  Iroquoian  in 
design.  The  constricted  neck,  raised  and  peaked  rim,  notched  angle,  and, 
in  one  case,  a  crude  attempt  at  depicting  the  human  face, —  pointed  clearly 
to  the  influence  of  the  Mohawk  or  other  Iroquois.  The  fragments  of  the 
vessel  just  referred  to,  showed  the  pot  to  have  been  one  of  very  large  size. 
It  was  decorated  by  a  series  of  incised  lines  in  a  sort  of  chevron  pattern;  at 
intervals,  curious  little  knobs  occurred  on  which  the  human  face  was  repre- 
sented by  three  incised  lines, —  two  for  the  eyes  and  one  for  the  mouth. 
As  far  as  the  writer  knows,  no  other  similar  article  has  been  obtained  in 
this  neighborhood. 

Implements  of  bone  and  antler  were  comparatively  abundant,  though 
lacking  in  variety.  They  comprised  bone  awls,  antler  cylinders  and  turtle 
shell  cups.  A  notable  object  was  a  fragment  of  an  antler  implement, 
apparently  a  pin,  which  had  a  carved  head.  Stone  implements,  such  as 
arrow  points  and  grooved  axes,  were  fairly  abundant;  but  no  celts  at  all 
occurred. 

At  first  no  burials  were  discovered;  but,  later,  widening  the  railroad  cut 
disclosed  many  on  the  southerly  side  of  the  knoll  on  which  the  village  was 
situated  (Plate  i).  The  skeletons  were  found  beneath  three  or  four  feet  of 
sand,  as  a  rule;  and,  in  the  case  of  regular  burial,  always  with  arms  and 
knees  flexed.  As  many  as  four  of  these  were  found  in  one  grave.  No 
relics  of  any  kind  occurred  with  them  except  in  one  instance.1    In  some 


1  The  graves  explored  by  Mr.  George  H.  Pepper  at  Tottenville,  some  years  ago,  were 
different  in  that  they  almost  invariably  contained  relics. 


8 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.    [Vol.  Ill, 


instances  "bone  burials"  occurred.  Apparently,  the  flesh  had  been  allowed 
to  rot  away  from  the  bones;  they  were  then  buried  in  a  hole  and  covered 
with  sand. 

A  burial  of  the  more  regular  form  was  thus  described  by  the  writer  in 
the  Proceedings  of  the  Staten  Island  Association  of  Arts  and  Sciences,  for 
May,  1906:  — 

"On  May  12th,  1906,  while  carrying  on  my  investigations  on  the  pre-historic 
Indian  village  site  exposed  by  the  building  of  Milliken  Brothers'  [steel]  foundry  at 
Mariners'  Harbor,  a  grave  was  found  exposed  by  the  recent  enlarging  of  the  railroad 
cut  which  runs  through  the  plant"  (bisecting  the  Bowman's  Brook  site). 

"The  grave  was  found  about  10  feet  south  of  the  first  one  which  I  had  opened 
in  that  vicinity.  It  was  about  7  feet  broad  by  o\  feet  deep  and  of  peculiar  structure. 
A  streak  of  black  earth  ran  through  the  yellow  sand  and  formed  a  bowl-shaped  pit. 
This  streak  was  about  6  inches  thick,  broadening  into  pockets  at  both  ends,  and 
contained  relics.  At  the  bottom  of  the  pit  were  some  very  large  sherds,  which  were 
later  restored  and  found  to  be  the  rim  and  most  of  the  sides  of  a  pot  of  typical  Al- 
gonkin  style.  The  bottom  only  is  missing.  On  the  sherds  lay  several  stones,  which 
indicates  that  the  pot  was  whole  or  nearly  so  when  placed  in  the  grave,  and  that  the 
stones  had  been  cast  upon  it  with  the  purpose  of  breaking  it. 

"About  1  foot  higher  than  the  sherds  and  3  feet  to  the  west  was  found  the  skele- 
ton of  a  person  above  average  age,  flexed  as  usual,  heading  north,  with  the  face  to 
the  east.  The  skull  was  crushed,  probably  by  the  weight  of  the  earth.  No  relics 
were  found  with  it,  but  an  oyster  shell  lay  upon  the  bones  of  the  hands,  which  were 
folded  before  the  face.  Fire-cracked  stones  also  lay  upon  and  near  the  skeleton. 
A  small  pocket  of  blackened  earth  immediately  surrounded  the  skeleton,  but  the 
other  soil  within  the  black  boundary  was  hard,  compact,  yellow  earth.  About  8 
inches  above  these  was  a  deposit  of  oyster  shells  about  2|  to  3  feet  thick  above  the 
bones. 

"  With  this  exception,  no  relics  were  found  with  any  skeletons  taken  out  person- 
ally or  removed  by  laborers.  During  the  summer  a  perfect  pottery  vessel  is  said 
to  have  been  found  by  the  workmen,  but  whether  with  a  burial  or  not  the  writer 
was  unable  to  ascertain.  It  was  described  as  being  of  typical  Algonkin  style,  with- 
out any  attempt  at  ornamentation.  The  vessel  has  disappeared  and  it  is  alleged 
to  have  been  sold  to  a  collector  in  New  Jersey.  While  still  with  this  subject,  it  may 
be  interesting  to  mention  that  a  skull  found  by  the  writer,  from  this  site,  has  more 
than  20  Inca  bones  or  inter-parietals." 

This  site  is  now  practically  obliterated,  as  are  the  "Indian  fields"  north- 
ward to  Bowman's  Point. 

5.  Mariners'  Harbor,  Old  Place.  On  Tuinessen's,  or  Old  Place  Neck, 
there  is  a  large  village  site.  Near  the  extreme  point  are  shell  pits  and  fire- 
places, unusually  far  apart.  Some  of  the  refuse  pits  here  are  of  considerable 
size  and  depth.  Evidently  this  is  a  site  the  date  of  which  can  be  placed  at 
the  early  historic  period.  Pottery  occurs,  bearing  a  strong  resemblance  to 
the  Iroquoian,  though  not  so  marked  as  that  found  at  the  Bowman's  Brook 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Staten  Island. 


9 


site.  A  brass  arrow  point,  gun  flints,  leaden  bullets,  a  pewter  trade  ( ?)  ring, 
fragments  of  trade  pipes,  etc.,  have  been  found  on  the  surface,  and  a  tiny 
piece  of  a  brass  kettle,  perforated  (perhaps  for  suspension),  came  from  a 
shell  pit  on  this  site.  Trade  articles  are  generally  rare  throughout  Staten 
Island.  Iron  trade  axes  have  never  been  found,  nor  has  the  writer  ever 
seen  any  from  hereabouts,  although  they  are  often  mentioned  in  early  deeds. 
No  antler  or  bone  implements  have  been  found  here.  Graves,  with  relics 
in  or  near  them,  were  reported  on  the  property  of  the  Rev.  Jas.  Kinney 
some  years  ago.  Some  graves  opened  here  by  the  writer  proved  to  be  those 
of  Whites. 

6.  Bloomfield  (Watchogue).  There  is  no  special  large  village  site  in 
this  region,  but  relics  occur  more  or  less  abundantly  on  all  of  the  dunes  and 
sand-hills.  A  stone  plummet  (?),  grooved  axes,  Iroquoian  pottery,  pipes, 
arrow  points,  etc.,  have  been  found  here.  Mr.  Isaiah  Merrill  has  a  fine 
collection  of  objects  said  to  have  been  collected  about  here,  among  which  is 
a  steatite  bead.  An  inscribed  clay  bead,  with  incised  figures,  is  also  said  to 
have  been  found  here. 

This  site  is  peculiar  on  account  of  the  scarcity  of  shell  pits  and  similar 
remains.  Relics  occur  almost  entirely  as  surface  finds.  Celts  have  been 
found.  A  fine  perforated  brass  arrow  point  was  found  by  the  writer  some 
years  ago  at  a  spot  where  Iroquoian  pottery  wTas  frequent.  Objects  which 
seem  to  be  gun  flints,  but  are  chipped  from  native  yellow  jasper,  etc.,  were 
in  the  collection  of  Mr.  Merrill.  These  seemed  to  the  writer  to  be  authentic, 
and  it  is  possible  that  the  Indians  did  manufacture  these  useful  objects 
rather  than  buy  the  English  flints  from  the  Whites.  The  stone  bead  in  Mr. 
Merrill's  collection  is  of  pink  steatite, —  thick,  square,  and  altogether  re- 
markable. It  is  said  that  Mr.  Merrill  had  at  one  time  a  "handful"  of  these 
beads;  but  when  the  writer  viewed  the  collection,  some  years  ago,  only  one 
remained.  Other  notable  objects  in  his  collection  were  a  banner  stone, 
fragments  of  others  and  several  celts. 

7.  Chelsea.  At  the  angle  of  Watchogue  road,  near  its  junction  with 
Union  Avenue,  graves  are  reported  to  have  been  found.  The  site  is  well 
known  locally  as  the  "  Burying  ground."  Several  grooved  axes  have  come 
from  this  site.  Attempts  to  locate  any  remaining  graves  have  been  unsuc- 
cessful.   Another  dune  with  relics  is  between  Chelsea  and  Travisville. 

8.  Long  Neck  (Linoleumville),  north  side.  Scattered  lodges  and  some 
shells  are  found  along  the  north  side  of  the  Neck. 

9.  Long  Neck  (Linoleumville),  south  side.  Scattered  lodges  are  to  be 
seen  on  the  south  side  of  the  Neck,  opposite  Price's  Island;  also  a  shell- 
heap,  with  pits,  which  contain  no  relics.  Relics  are  found  all  over  the  end 
of  the  Neck,  but  nowhere  abundant.    Excavations  on  the  south  side  of  the 


10 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.    [Vol.  Ill, 


Xeck  proved  unsuccessful,  the  shell-heap  there  being  apparently  only  a 
shell-fish  drying  heap.  Price's  Meadow  Island,  a  sand  dune  rising  from  the 
salt  meadows,  has  many  indications  of  being  an  Indian  site.  There  are 
no  shells  there,  however. 

10.  New  Springville,  Corson's  Brook.  A  site  is  said  to  be  located  at 
New  Springville  on  Corson's  brook.  Shells  and  graves  are  reported;  also 
an  iron  arrow-head.  The  writer  has  not  been  successful  in  personally 
locating  this  site,  up  to  date.  The  locality  differs  from  almost  all  the  others 
on  the  Island,  in  that  the  soil  is  not  sandy,  and  we  have  seen  no  indications 
of  aboriginal  occupation  of  any  kind.  Many  people  have  said  that  they 
found  Indian  implements  there,  however,  and  at  one  time  a  skull,  said  to  be 
Indian,  was  found  in  the  bed  of  Corson's  brook  after  a  freshet  had  eaten 
away  the  banks. 

11.  Green  Ridge,  near  Richmond  Plank  Road.  A  camp  site  is  reported 
between  Journeay  Avenue  and  Annadale  road,  near  Richmond  Plank  road, 
which  contains  early  relics. 

12.  Green  Ridge,  Lake's  Island.  There  is  a  small  village  site  on  Lake's 
Meadow  Island,  with  a  small  shell-heap,  where  are  found  early  relics  of 
Indian  origin.  In  a  letter  to  his  sister,  Miss  Helen  Thoreau,  dated  from 
Staten  Island,  July  21,  1S43,  Thoreau  says, —  "Last  Sunday  I  walked  over 
to  Lake  Island  Farm..  .  .  As  I  was  coming  away,  I  took  my  toll  out  of  the 
soil  in  the  shape  of  arrowheads,  which  may  after  all  be  the  surest  crop, 
certainly  not  effected  by  drought." 

13.  Woodrow.  Following  up  Sandy  Brook,  and  from  there  to  Kreischer- 
ville,  is  a  series  of  "Indian  fields."  Inland  at  Woodrow  there  are  relics 
about  the  Sandy  Brook.  Relics  occur  at  Sandy  Ground,  on  the  farm  of 
Mr.  Isaac  Wort,  Sr.,  and  also  near  one  of  the  clay  pits  in  the  woods,  isolated 
from  all  others. 

The  sites  from  the  Sandy  Brook  to  the  Wort  Farm  are  remarkable  for  the 
number  of  stone  mortars  found  there.  According  to  Messrs.  Samuel  and 
Isaac  Wort,  Sr.,  some  very  peculiar  burials  were  discovered  during  the  level- 
ing of  a  knoll  on  the  property  of  Mr.  Samuel  Wort  many  years  ago.  When 
earth  was  being  removed,  a  stone-walled  "chamber"  was  discovered,  and, 
on  removing  the  stones,  several  skeletons  were  found,  with  many  relics, 
including  a  great  many  arrow  and  spear  points  and  a  "stone  bowl"  (proba- 
bly a  steatite  pot).  None  of  these  objects  now  remain;  but  most  of  the 
stones  taken  from  the  grave  are  still  to  be  seen  piled  up  near  the  original  site. 
There  are  very  many  of  these,  and  they  appear  to  have  been  brought  some 
distance.  A  number  show  the  action  of  fire.  Mr.  Isaac  Wort  claims  to 
have  found  other  similar  stone  graves  thereabout;  but  adds,  they  contained 
no  relics.    He  also  says  that,  in  his  boyhood,  iron  trade  axes  were  abundant 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Staten  Island. 


11 


on  these  sites;  but,  unfortunately,  none  have  survived  the  years.  Glass 
beads,  etc.,  have  been  found. 

14.  Rossville.  Lodges,  shells,  etc.,  run  from  Cedar  Hill  to  Winant's 
Brook.  There  are  sites  all  along  the  shore  to  Kreischerville,  with  early 
relies.  All  the  sandy  fields  along  the  shore  yield  relics,  but  here  and  there 
shell  pits  and  heaps  proclaim  more  specialized  occupation.  At  Burial  Point, 
graves  are  said  to  have  been  found. 

One  site,  near  Rossville  Post  Office,  has  yielded  very  many  arrow  points, 
of  a  strange  archaic  "double-ended"  type.  There  is  a  large  shell-heap  in 
this  field,  containing  pottery.  A  hill  near  the  Rossville  Road  is  known  as 
"Hammerstone  Hill,"  to  local  collectors,  on  account  of  the  abundance  of 
pitted  hammerstones  found  there.    Brass  thimbles,  etc.,  have  been  found. 

15.  TottenriUe.  Extensive  shell  mounds  may  still  be  seen  near  the 
Billop  house.  Burial  Ridge,  near  by,  was  excavated  by  Mr.  George  H. 
Pepper  for  the  Museum,  in  1895.  Horn  and  bone  implements  are  found, 
bearing  traces  of  fabrics  and  copper.    Shells  occur  all  over  the  point,  and 

.  as  far  north  as  Richmond  Valley.  A  grooved  axe  weighing  twelve  pounds 
was  found  here. 

During  the  past  few  years,  excavation  on  some  sites  has  been  prohibited, 
and  little  plowing  has  been  done;  so  that  surface  hunting  was  profitless. 
Clandestine  attempts  at  digging  in  the  famous  "Burial  Ridge"  met  with  no 
success  on  account  of  the  comprehensiveness  of  former  excavations.  How- 
ever, in  former  years  much  was  written  about  this  site,  especially  by  Mr. 
George  H.  Pepper,  Captain  R.  D.  Wainwright  and  others. 

The  shell-heaps  themselves  have  been  little  worked,  except  by  Mr.  Max 
Bedell  of  Pleasant  Plains;  but  there  is  considerable  literature  extant  con- 
cerning the  famous  "Burial  Ridge." 

The  first  record  we  have  of  human  remains  is  in  1858,  when  workmen 
employed  by  Mr.  Joel  Cole  in  digging  a  foundation,  discovered  a  skeleton 
and  a  number  of  skulls.  One  skeleton  was  flexed  and  near  it  were  a  num- 
ber of  implements,  including  a  grooved  stone  axe,  weighing  twelve  pounds, 
which  is  now  in  the  possession  of  the  Staten  Island  Association  of  Arts  and 
Sciences.  Five  years  later,  while  digging  the  foundation  for  an  addition 
to  his  house  sixteen  feet  square,  twenty  skeletons  were  discovered.  After 
this,  from  time  to  time,  skeletons  have  been  unearthed  by  accident  or  design 
in  most  of  the  surrounding  fields.  One  skeleton  was  found  in  a  "standing 
position."  Many  of  these  burials  were  accompanied  by  implements,  a  rare 
occurrence  in  the  region  inhabited  by  the  Algonkin  Indians  of  southeastern 
New  York  and  nearby  New  Jersey. 

Beginning  August  10th,  1893,  Mr.  George  H.  Pepper  received  permission 
from  Mr.  Richard  Christopher  to  dig  in  a  sandy  field  adjoining  the  Cole 


12 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Xatural  History.    [Vol.  Ill , 


property,  where,  at  a  depth  of  four  feet,  he  uncovered  a  skeleton  buried  in  a 
sitting  posture,  the  crown  of  the  skull  up,  and  facing  northeast.  At  the  base 
of  the  cranium,  there  was  a  stone  upon  which  rested  the  inferior  maxillary, 
and  a  larger  stone  supported  the  head;  but  they  were  apparently  thrown 
carelessly  into  the  hole  and  not  placed  there  for  any  purpose.  Two  marks, 
perhaps  from  tomahawk  blows,  were  seen  upon  the  cranium.  Xo  imple- 
ments of  any  kind  occurred,  but  about  fifteen  split  deer  bones  were  found. 

In  the  same  field,  on  September  30th,  1S94,  Mr.  Pepper  discovered  a 
cache  of  fish  bones,  circular  in  form  and  about  a  foot  and  a  half  in  diameter 
and  two  inches  thick.  A  mass  of  oyster  and  other  shells  and  debris  was 
about  one  foot  above  this.  Again,  on  January  27th,  1894,  Capt.  Robert 
D.  Wainwright  unearthed  ten  skeletons  in  this  vicinity.  One  showed 
evidence  of  having  met  his  death  by  being  burnt  from  the  knees  upward, 
perhaps  in  a  torture  fire. 

In  the  Proceedings  of  the  Natural  Science  Association  of  Staten  Island 
for  February  13th,  1897,  we  have  a  report  that:  — 

"Capt.  Robert  D.  Wainwright  presented  a  number  of  bones,  representing  parts 
of  two  Indian  skeletons,  recently  exhumed  at  Tottenville,  and  read  the  following 
account  of  the  same: — 

"'On  January  27,  having  received  permission  from  Mr.  C.  H.  Leland,  with  the 
assistance  of  Mr.  John  Cochran,  I  made  several  excavations  on  the  old  Billop  estate, 
on  the  land  next  adjoining  that  of  Mr.  Decker.  About  a  half  a  foot  down,  in  the 
last  trench  that  we  dug  that  day,  we  came  to  a  bed  of  oyster  shells,  thickly  packed, 
evidently  the  remains  of  an  old  Indian  feast.  There  I  found  fragments  of  human 
bones,  ribs,  vertebra,  teeth,  parts  of  a  skull,  etc.  Many  of  the  bones  had  been  burnt, 
and  all  were  thoroughly  mixed  with  the  shells.  Continuing  the  main  trench  further, 
and  at  a  much  lower  depth,  in  mixed  sand,  the  lower  bones  of  the  leg,  including  feet 
and  toes,  lying  parallel  to  each  other,  were  found.  These  limbs  were  packed  on  the 
sides  by  broken  clam  shells.  Not  finding  any  implements,  I  concluded  that,  as  the 
body  of  the  Indian  had  been  burnt  from  the  knees  upward,  he  had  met  his  death  by 
fire. 

"'Again  on  the  30th  inst.,  Mr.  Cochran  and  myself  found  the  perfect  skeleton  of 
an  Indian.  First,  digging  through  a  foot  of  sandy  loam,  we  came  to  oyster  shells, 
then  through  half  a  foot  of  this  material,  after  which  we  came  to  mixed  sand.  About 
a  foot  down  lay  the  skeleton,  head  towards  the  east,  face  facing  north,  lying  on  the 
side,  the  ribs  over  towards  the  left,  knees  drawn  up,  arms  close  to  the  body,  hands 
before  the  face,  middle  finger  of  the  right  hand  in  the  mouth,  on  which  the  teeth  were 
closed  tightly.  In  front  of  the  hands  was  a  ball  of  sand,  inclosing  deer  bones,  flanked 
on  its  eastern  side  by  a  tortoise  shell.  This  skeleton  measured  7  feet  4  inches. 
Several  conch  shells  were  found  lying  some  distance  away,  seemingly  pointing  to- 
wards the  skeleton.  No  implements  were  found.  On  taking  up  the  skeleton,  which 
was  done  most  carefully,  it  went  to  pieces  and  became  much  broken,  as  may  be  seen 
from  its  present  condition.'" 

In  the  Proceedings  of  the  same  Association  for  April  10th,  1897,  is  the 
following  account, — 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Staten  Island. 


13 


"Capt.  Robert  D.  Wainwright  exhibited  portions  of  Indian  skeletons,  imple- 
ments and  photographs  of  the  skeletons  as  they  appeared  when  first  uncovered,  and 
read  the  following  paper: 

"'Since  my  last  report  to  the  Association  in  connection  with  excavations  at 
Tottenville,  I  have  been  quite  successful  in  exhuming  other  remains  of  Indians.  All 
these  were  found  on  the  estate  of  Mr.  Acker,  which  is  just  below  that  of  Mr.  Decker, 
whose  property  adjoins  that  of  the  Billop  estate.  From  the  entrance  of  Mr.  Acker's 
property,  and  a  little  to  the  left,  is  a  raised  eminence,  which  extends  to  his  residence 
on  the  left  and  to  the  bluff  beyond.  Noticing  that  oyster  shells  were  very  plentiful 
on  this  ridge,  and  in  some  places  forming  circles,  I  dug  at  one  of  these  about  the 
latter  part  of  last  month. 

"'Passing  through  a  thin  layer  of  shells  I  came  to  disturbed  earth,  where  two 
and  a  half  feet  down  I  unearthed  five  skeletons.  These  were  in  very  bad  condition, 
and  in  nearly  every  instance  many  parts  were  missing.  Two  skulls  were  mashed 
perfectly  flat;  the  teeth  of  one  being  a  long  distance  from  the  head.  Judging  from 
the  teeth,  the  remains  consisted  of  two  adults  and  three  young  persons.  The  head 
of  one  of  the  latter  was  found  under  the  pelvis  of  one  of  the  adults.  These  bodies 
were  evidently  jammed  into  the  hole,  which  was  a  small  one,  and  not  regularly 
buried.  There  was  nothing  to  show  the  cause  of  death.  Underneath  the  remains 
were  burnt  shells  and  charcoal,  and  mixed  with  the  bodies  were  shells  and  a  few 
small  pieces  of  pottery.    No  other  object  was  found. 

"'A  short  distance  away,  on  the  same  ridge,  Mr.  Acker  unearthed  another  skele- 
ton. This  one  was  found  the  same  distance  down,  and  the  same  materials  (shells, 
etc.)  were  encountered  as  in  the  excavation  of  the  ones  previously  mentioned. 
This  skeleton  was  one  of  very  large  size.  It  lay  on  its  right  side,  face  facing  north- 
west knees  drawn  up,  and  hands  in  front  of  face.  The  skull  had  been  evidently 
beaten  in,  on  its  left  side,  which  no  doubt  was  the  cause  of  death.  No  implements 
of  any  kind  were  found  and  only  a  few  chippings  and  some  pottery  were  found  with 
the  body,  which,  though  intact,  was  in  a  most  fragile  state.  From  the  appearance  of 
the  teeth,  which  were  worn  down  almost  to  the  quick,  I  judged  the  remains  were 
that  of  a  very  old  man. 

"'On  March  30th,  two  or  three  yards  to  the  west  of  the  remains  of  the  five 
skeletons  already  mentioned,  I  dug  down  two  feet  and  a  quarter  through  one  half 
a  foot  of  shells  and  disturbed  earth,  and  discovered  another  skeleton.  The  remains 
were  those  of  a  middle  aged  man  and  were  in  terrible  condition.  The  skull  was 
intact,  but  the  ribs  of  the  left  side  were  missing,  as  was  also  the  left  arm  and  the  lower 
parts  of  both  legs.  The  pelvis  was  very  large.  The  fingers  of  both  hands  were 
piled  in  front  of  and  to  the  left  of  the  skull.  At  the  fracture  of  the  leg  bones  and  at 
right  angles  to  them,  lay  a  neck  of  a  large  glass  bottle,  while  across  this  and  balanced 
on  it,  lay  a  piece  of  (as  I  believe)  Dutch  pottery.  These  were  the  only  articles 
found,  but  they  are  of  interest  as  indicating  communication  with  the  whites,  a  fact 
not  previously  noted  by  any  one.  On  the  2nd  of  April,  while  clearing  away  the 
remains  of  the  above  mentioned  skeleton,  I  found  burnt  shells  and  charcoal.  Dig- 
ging through  this,  half  a  foot  downward,  I  discovered  another  skeleton,  which, 
though  intact,  was  in  a  very  fragile  state,  and  could  not  be  exhumed,  except  in  a 
very  bad  condition.  The  head  lay  on  the  left  side,  face  facing  north-west  and 
downward.  The  upper  jaw  with  skull  had  fallen,  the  jaw  being  in  rear  of  the  lower 
one.  The  left  lower  leg  was  badly  out  of  shape,  probably  at  one  time  broken  and 
not  having  knitted  together  properly.    No  articles  were  found  with  these  remains. 


14 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.    [Vol.  Ill, 


'"On  the  3rd  of  April,  I  removed  the  remains  and  noticing  disturbed  earth  to 
the  right  I  continued  my  excavation  in  that  direction  and  a  half  a  foot  further  found 
another  skeleton.  The  remains  were  in  excellent  condition,  the  skull  faced  west- 
north-west  and  slightly  downward.  One  hand  was  under  the  chin  and  the  other 
lay  on  the  left  leg.  The  lower  limbs  were  drawn  up  as  is  usual  with  remains  which 
seem  to  be  regularly  interred.  No  objects  were  found  with  this  skeleton  except 
shells  and  a  little  pottery,  which  no  doubt,  as  in  other  cases,  were  thrown  in  after 
burial."' 

In  1895,  Mr.  Geo.  H.  Pepper  again  began  work  on  this  site,  this  time  for 
the  Museum.  Several  very  interesting  finds  were  made.  With  one  skeleton, 
that  of  an  old  woman,  were  two  cups  made  of  the  carapaces  of  box  tortoises. 

One  of  the  most  remarkable  burials  unearthed  was  the  skeleton  of  a 
child  (Plate  n).  At  a  depth  of  four  feet,  the  remains  were  found,  a  block 
of  white  sandstone  at  the  head  and  a  similar  slab  of  gray  sandstone  at  the 
feet.  Two  feet  away,  to  the  north  of  the  body,  was  another  mass  of  sand- 
stone. The  skeleton  lay  on  its  back  with  the  head  to  the  east.  Beads 
made  of  tiny  oliveUa  shells,  with  rubbed  perforations,  and  a  few  small  disk 
beads  were  found  about  tin*  neck.  Six  flaked  implements  of  clear-grained 
yellow  jasper  were  packed  about  the  base  of  the  head.  Five  leaf-shaped 
objects  of  the  same  material  were  resting  upon  these  pieces  and  almost 
covered  the  skull. 

Another  piece  was  lying  upon  the  right  arm.  The  lower  part  of  the  face 
had  evidently  been  covered  with  a  copper  ornament;  for  copper  salts  had 
discolored  the  upper  and  lower  jaws,  and  even  the  cervical  vertebra1  were 
thoroughly  impregnated  and  had  become  a  dull  green  color.  Under  the 
jaw,  a  slab  of  mica  was  found.  It  was  over  four  inches  in  length  and  had 
been  worked.  Near  the  right  knee  there  was  a  cache  of  implements.  In  it 
were  three  stone  arrow  points  and  twelve1  flakes  of  yellow  jasper;  and  pieces 
of  deer  bone  with  which  to  fashion  new  points  had  also  been  added. 

Six  antler  tips  had  been  prepared.  These  needed  but  little  cutting  and 
drilling  to  make  them  into  arrow  points.  Three  sections  of  antler  suitable 
for  game  sticks  or  for  handles  of  knives  or  drills  came  next;  then  three 
beautifully  chipped  yellow  jasper  scrapers,  also  two  Leaf-shaped  pieces  of 
jasper.  A  large  stone  pendant,  that  had  probably  been  worn  for  many  years, 
was  also  in  the  deposit.  The  hole  for  suspension  had  been  broken  twice, 
and  a  third  hole  had  been  drilled  in  it.  A  moccasin-shaped  stone  was  there, 
perhaps  a  last,  and  with  it  a  flat  stone  upon  which  the  buckskin  might  be 
cut.  The  topmost  piece  was  a  large  crystal  of  smoky  quartz.  Beneath 
the  mass  was  a  large  digging  implement  made  from  a  shoulder  blade  of  a 
deer.  Beaver  teeth,  deer  bones,  and  fragments  of  tortoise  shell  were  also 
found;  and  lastly  there  was  a  paint  receptacle  made  from  the  lower  jaw  of  a 
fox. 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Staten  Island. 


15 


Not  far  from  this  grave,  at  a  depth  of  one  and  a  half  feet  below  the  sur- 
face, three  skeletons  were  found  (Plate  n).  Two  were  well-developed  men 
in  the  prime  of  manhood;  the  third  was  somewhat  older.  They  were  lying 
side  by  side  with  the  legs  flexed,  and,  though  less  than  two  feet  below  the 
surface,  the  bones  were  well  preserved. 

Among  and  in  the  bones  of  these  skeletons  were  twenty-three  stone,  bone 
and  antler  arrow  points  (Plate  in).  In  the  first  skeleton,  it  was  found  that 
two  points  of  antler  and  one  of  bone  had  pierced  the  body  and  lodged  near 
the  spinal  column.  Another  point  of  argillite  had  been  driven  between  two 
ribs,  forming  a  notch  in  each.  A  bone  arrow  point  had  struck  the  shoulder 
and  was  resting  against  the  scapula.  Among  the  bones  of  the  right  hand, 
an  arrow  point  of  antler  was  discovered,  and  there  was  a  similar  one  near 
the  left  hand.  Another  antler  point  was  lying  in  the  sand  just  beneath  the 
body  and  had,  no  doubt,  dropped  from  it  when  the  flesh  wasted  away. 
The  most  interesting  wound  of  all  was  one  where  an  antler-tipped  arrow 
had  ploughed  through  one  side  of  the  body  and  fully  one-third  of  the  point 
had  passed  through  one  of  the  ribs,  making  a  hole,  where  it  remained,  as 
smoothly  as  if  drilled. 

The  second  body  was  also  terribly  injured.  The  left  femur  showed  an 
elongated  puncture  near  the  lower  end,  probably  made  by  an  arrow  point. 
Among  the  ribs  was  the  tip  of  an  antler  point,  and  a  yellow  jasper  one  was 
among  the  ribs  on  the  left  side  of  the  body.  Three  other  points  were  among 
the  bones. 

The  third  skeleton  was  likewise  an  example  of  old-time  bow  play.  There 
was  an  antler  point  among  the  ribs  on  the  left  side.  The  end  of  one  of  the 
fibulae  was  shattered  by  a  stone  arrow  point,  and  a  second  point  had  lodged 
between  two  ribs.  Beneath  the  sternum  was  a  flint  point,  and  the  right 
shoulder  blade  showed  a  fracture  near  the  end,  caused  by  a  blow  of  some 
hand  implement  or  an  arrow.  Near  the  base  of  the  skull,  the  end  of  an 
antler  arrow  point  was  discovered,  broken  perhaps  by  its  impact  with  the 
occiput.  Two  bone  points  were  near  the  lower  bones  of  the  left  leg.  A 
second  point  was  found  upon  search  among  the  left  ribs;  under  the  verte- 
bras was  the  base  of  another  antler  point,  and  two  broken  points  were  found 
beneath  the  body. 

The  position  in  which  several  of  the  points  were  found  certainly  speaks 
well  for  the  great  force  which  propelled  them.  The  long  bows  of  the  old 
Lenape  must  indeed  have  been  formidable  weapons.  Taking  into  con- 
sideration the  number  of  arrows  which  must  have  been  imbedded  in  the 
bodies  of  the  warriors,  it  is  perhaps  probable  that  the  majority  of  the  pro- 
jectiles were  driven  into  the  victims  at  close  range  after  death.  There  are 
very  many  historic  incidents  of  similar  mutilation  inflicted  by  Indians  else- 


16 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.    [Vol.  Ill, 


where  in  North  America  upon  the  corpses  of  their  enemies.  From  the  fact 
that  the  arrows  were  left  sticking  in  the  bodies  when  buried,  it  is  perhaps 
possible  that  these  skeletons  were  the  remains,  not  of  Staten  Island  Lenape 
proper,  but  of  some  of  their  enemies.  All  of  the  stone  points  found  in  and 
among  these  bones  were  of  the  triangular  so-called  "war-point"  type. 

A  site  has  been  recorded  on  Bunker  Hill,  Huguenot,  near  Arbutus  Lake, 
but  this  is  an  error.  An  arrow  point  or  two  have  been  found,  but  there  are 
no  traces  of  occupation. 

16.  Huguenot.  A  small  shell-heap  is  located  on  the  bluff  overlooking 
the  Bay,  near  Seguine's  point.  This  is  only  a  small  shell-heap  at  a  point 
where  the  Indians  probably  camped  while  fishing.  A  few  tiny  fragments 
of  pottery  and  deer  bones  were  found.  A  few  small  isolated  heaps  are  near 
Prince's  Bay. 

17.  Arrochar.  On  Richmond  Avenue  near  Arrochar  Station,  there  is  a 
site  apparently  much  older  than  many  others;  but  still  Lenapian  in  origin. 
There  are  probably  more  sites  in  this  neighborhood,  but  none  have  been 
reported. 

Grooved  axes,  arrow  points,  etc.,  with  an  occasional  bit  of  pottery,  are 
found  and  shell  pits  occur.  From  the  appearance  of  the  objects  found, 
this  is  perhaps  a  very  ancient  camp  site.  "Oude  Dor}),"  a  Dutch  town 
burned  by  the  Indians  during  the  historic  period,  was  located  near  here; 
still  no  objects  such  as  the  Indians  would  have  used  at  that  date  seem  to 
have  been  discovered. 

18.  New  Brighton,  Harbor  Hill  Golf-links.  A  camp  site  and  scattered 
relics  have  been  reported  on  Harbor  Hill  Golf-links,  a  little  above  Castleton 
Avenue  and  near  Richmond  Turnpike. 

19.  New  Brighton,  Silver  Lake,  etc.  There  are  camp  sites  at  Silver 
Lake;  one  shell  pit,  with  pottery,  was  opened  by  the  writer.  Scattered 
relics  appeared  along  the  Shore  Road  near  St.  George. 

20.  New  Brighton,  Harbor  Hill.  A  camp  site  is  located  on  Harbor 
Hill  near  Harbor  Brook  and  Lafayette  Avenue. 

21.  New  Brighton,  Nannghrrrg  Hill.  A  camp  site  occurs  near  the 
junction  of  Bard  Avenue  and  Clove  Road,  at  the  foot  of  Xatinvberry  Hill, 
just  above  Schoenian's  pond.  Most  of  these  sites  are  fully  described  in  the 
Proceedings  of  the  Natural  Science  Association  of  Staten  Island  for  January 
10th,  1903. 

22.  Richmond.  A  large  camp  site  is  back  of  Richmond  in  a  clearing 
in  the  woods  near  Ketchum's  Mill  Pond,  on  Simonson's  Brook,  where 
grooved  axes  and  other  relics  have  been  found.  It  is  near  Richmond 
Creek  and  distant  from  all  other  sites.  The  ground  is  hard,  with  many 
boulders,  as  is  the  case  at  Silver  Lake,  and  no  shells  whatever  appear. 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Staten  Island. 


17 


Up  to  date,  no  pottery  has  been  fonnd;  but  the  writer  has  never  had  an 
opportunity  to  examine  the  site  thoroughly,  as  it  has  never  been  plowed  or 
bared  of  vegetation  during  his  time.  He  has  found  a  few  objects,  however, 
and  formerly  a  number  were  obtained  by  others. 

23.  Oakwood.  A  shell-heap  has  been  reported  on  the  salt  meadow 
near  Lake's  mill.  A  search  by  the  writer  has  led  to  the  discovery  of  a  few 
shells,  on  the  meadow  towards  Giffords,  which  are  apparently  aboriginal. 
No  pottery  or  relics  occur,  but  a  few  flint  flakes  are  found.  Apparently, 
this  is  a  "clam-drying"  place.  We  have  been  shown  and  have  found  a  few 
arrow  points  in  this  vicinity,  but  they  occurred  on  higher  ground. 

24.  Tompkinsville.  On  Ward's  Hill,  near  Cebra  Avenue,  many 
triangular  so-called  "war-points"  have  been  found  in  a  small  area.  Such 
an  abundance  of  these  war-points,  so  far  from  any  known  camp  or  village 
site,  is  remarkable. 

Collections  of  Specimens. 

The  collections  of  Staten  Island  Indian  remains  now  in  existence  are 
few  in  number.  The  largest  of  these,  in  order  of  importance,  are  given 
below : 

1.  The  Skinner  Collection,  now  in  the  Museum  of  the  Staten  Island 
Association  of  Arts  and  Sciences,  illustrating  almost  the  entire  prehistoric 
life  of  the  local  tribes;  about  1,500  specimens. 

2.  The  Collection  of  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History,  from 
the  famous  cemetery  at  Burial  Ridge,  Tottenville;  several  hundred  speci- 
mens. 

3.  The  Collection  of.  the  Staten  Island  Association  of  Arts  and  Sciences, 
made  up  of  various  donations;  about  400  specimens. 

4.  The  W.  T.  Davis  Collection,  mainly  Tottenville  surface  material; 
about  200  specimens. 

5.  The  Almar  Decker  Collection,  from  the  Tottenville  shell-heaps  and 
cemetery. 

6.  The  Wort  Collection,  mainly  Rossville  surface  material. 

7.  The  Max  Bedell  Collection,  from  surface  at  Richmond  Valley  and 
the  Tottenville  cemetery. 

8.  The  Isaiah  Merrill  Collection,  old  surface  material  from  Watch- 
ogue,  perhaps  not  now  in  existence. 

9.  The  Wainwright  Collection,  from  the  Tottenville  Cemetery,  now  lost. 

10.  The  Page  Collection,  from  Richmond  Valley,  now  lost. 

11.  There  are  a  few  Staten  Island  specimens  in  the  New  York  State 
Museum  at  Albany. 


18 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.    [Vol.  Ill, 


12.  The  Charles  Benedict  Collection.  Several  choice  objects  from 
Rossville  and  Mariners'  Harbor. 

Most  of  these  collections  were  examined  in  preparing  the  accompanying 
account. 

Description  of  Specimen's. 

Stone  Implements.  Grooved  axes  occur  on  most  of  the  sites.  In 
almost  every  case,  they  are  made  of  trap  and  other  local  stone.  The  fol- 
lowing types  occur, — 

Class  A,  worked  stone  axes,  pecked  all  over,  sometimes  polished,  Plate  rv: 

(1)  groove  encircling  3  sides,  one  side  flat;  Fig.  1. 

(2)  ridged  groove  encircling  3  sides,  one  side  flat;  Fig.  2. 

(3)  groove  encircling  3  sides,  one  side  flat,  with  longitudinal  groove  on 

flat  side  and  on  opposite  side;  Fig.  3. 

(4)  groove  encircling  all  sides;  Figs.  4,  5,  6. 

(5)  ridged  groove  encircling  all  sides;  Fig.  7. 

Class  B,  unworked  stone  axes,  made  of  natural  pebbles  merely  edged  and 
grooved;  Figs.  10,  11,  13,  14. 

An  axe  of  the  first  class,  in  the  process  of  manufacture,  blocked  out, 
partially  grooved,  but  discarded  because  of  an  accidental  fracture  which 
spoiled  the  tool  is  shown  in  Fig.  9. 

The  grooved  adze  (Fig.  15,  Plate  iv),  a  rare  type  hereabouts,  is  very 
like  the  grooved  axe  except  that  it  is  flat  and  ungrooved  on  one  of  the  broad 
sides,  favoring  its  hafting  at  right  angles  with  the  handle. 

Grooved  axes  were  hafted  by  the  modern  northern  Cree  near  Hudson's 
Bay,  in  a  handle  split  to  receive  the  blade  and  bound  above  and  below  the 
head  with  withes,  sinew  or  rawhide.  In  the  case  of  those  specimens  having 
a  flat  edge,  with  or  without  a  longitudinal  groove,  the  edge  was  away  from 
the  user,  and  a  wedge  inserted  there  to  hold  the  blade  more  securely. 

A  notched  axe  (Fig.  16,  Plate  iv)  from  Tottenville  represents  a  rare  type. 
It  was  doubtless  hafted  in  the  same  manner  as  the  grooved  axe.  The  writer 
has  seen  but  two  specimens  of  this  type  from  Staten  Island.  The  grooved 
axe  seems  to  have  been  the  typical  axe  of  the  Algonkin  of  southeastern  New 
York. 

The  celt  (Fig.  8  and  17,  Plate  iv)  is  rare  on  the  sites  of  the  northern  shore 
of  the  Island,  but  a  number  have  been  found  in  Tottenville  and  the  vicinity. 
A  specimen  with  a  flaring  blade  (Fig.  18,  Plate  rv)  comes  from  Watchogue 
and  is  the  only  specimen  of  this  type  recorded.  From  general  information, 
it  seems  that  celts  were  hafted  in  two  ways:  large  specimens  were  set  into 
and  through  the  handle,  smaller  ones  were  set  into  it  club  fashion. 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Staten  Island. 


19 


The  rude  hand  chopper  (Fig.  12,  Plate  iv)  from  Tottenville  seems  to 
have  preceded  or  taken  the  place  of  the  celt  and  grooved  axe  in  some  areas; 
but  is,  in  this  region,  certainly  a  hastily-made  makeshift  for  a  misplaced  axe. 
Choppers  are  rare  throughout  the  Island,  but  a  few  have  been  found  at 
Tottenville.    They  were  certainly  not  of  immense  utility  as  cutting  tools. 

A  single  specimen  of  stone  gouge  (Fig.  13,  Plate  v)  comes  from  Mariners' 
Harbor.  It  is  the  only  one  ever  seen  or  reported  to  the  writer.  These  are 
very  common  in  the  New  England  district  and  Long  Island,  but  this  locality 
seems  to  be  out  of  their  area.  They  were  doubtless  used  with  the  adze  in 
canoe,  mortar  and  bowl  making. 

The  grooved  club  or  maul  (Figs.  1  and  2,  Plate  v),  from  Richmond  and 
Mariners'  Harbor,  seems  rare.  It  may  have  served  the  purpose  of  a  weapon 
at  times;  but  from  the  battered  appearance  of  those  seen  by  the  writer, 
probably  drove  in  more  tent-pegs  than  heads.  A  small,  all  wood,  ball- 
headed  war  club  seems  to  have  been  used  by  the  historic  Lenape  for  the 
latter  purpose  up  to  modern  times. 

Hammer  stones.  A  very  common  class  of  implement  is  the  so-called 
pitted  "hammerstone."  This  simple  tool  is  abundant  on  most  sites.  It 
consists  of  a  simple  pebble,  pitted  on  one  or  more  sides,  presumably  for 
convenience  in  handling.  The  fact  that  about  one-half  the  number  of 
hammerstones  found  show  no  evidence  whatever  of  battering,  makes  their 
use  in  these  cases  somewhat  problematic.  Fig.  4,  Plate  v,  shows  one,  from 
Tottenville,  of  the  ordinary  type,  pitted  on  two  opposite  sides.  In  some 
cases,  only  a  single  side  is  pitted;  others  show  three  or  more  pits.  The 
writer  has  seen  a  seven-pitted  specimen  from  Hackensack,  New  Jersey,  a 
site  probably  inhabited  by  a  people  similar  to  those  on  the  north  shore  of  the 
Island.  Larger  stones  of  this  same  pitted  type  are  popularly  called  anvils. 
Some  hammerstones  have  no  pits  whatever,  yet  show  long  use  and  battering, 
as  Fig.  3. 

Rubbing  or  Polishing  Stones.  Two  or  three  forms  of  rubbing  or  polish- 
ing stones,  like  Figs.  5  and  12,  Plate  v,  have  been  found.  The  most  simple 
and  abundant  are  merely  ordinary  waterworn  pebbles  ground  or  granulated 
on  one  or  more  surfaces  from  friction  caused  by  contact  with  other  stones  in 
grinding  or  polishing.  Other  specimens  seem  more  specially  shaped.  Fig. 
27,  Plate  vi,  from  Tottenville,  is  an  example  of  a  pebble  bearing  a  number 
of  grooves  about  its  edges  which  have  apparently  been  caused  by  rubbing. 
It  is  popularly  supposed  that  such  stones  were  used  to  reduce  or  rub  bow 
strings  to  the  proper  size.  Certainly  the  implement  seems  to  have  been  used 
to  rub  cords  upon.  These  objects  are  not  common,  and  all  that  the  writer 
has  seen  have  come  from  the  South  Shore  Raritan  sites. 

Knives,  Drills  and  Scrapers.    The  semilunar  knife  is  a  very  rare  article. 


20 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Xatural  Histori/.    [Vol.  Ill, 


A  few  fragments  but  no  perfect  specimens  have  been  found.  Fig.  20,  Plate 
Vii,  from  Mariners'  Harbor,  shows  a  semilunar  knife  in  the  process  of 
manufacture.  Figs.  16  and  17  show  fragments  of  finished  knives.  Cer- 
tainly the  first  specimen  shows  that  not  all  such  knives  were  objects  of 
barter  from  the  Eskimo  as  some  have  supposed. 

The  ordinary  knife  appears  to  have  been  flint,  jasper,  quartz  or  argillite, 
the  usual  stones  possessing  the  proper  conchoidal  fracture  hereabouts.  They 
were  of  varied  shapes,  as  in  Figs.  1  to  15,  Plate  vii.  Chipped  crooked 
knives  occur. 

Stone  drills  (Figs.  11  to  25,  Plate  vi)  are  not  common.  Gorgets,  pottery 
and  the  like  were  drilled  with  these;  but  banner  stones  usually  show  the 
marks  of  a  drill  leaving  a  core. 

Scrapers  are  of  two  types;  mere  fragments  of  flint  or  other  stone  with  an 
edge  chipped  on  (Figs.  1,  2,  6  and  7,  Plate  vi),  and  stemmed  scrapers  (Figs. 
4,  5,  9,  10).  These  were  doubtless  used,  as  the  name  implies,  in  scraping 
and  fleshing  skins,  sharpening  bone  implements,  etc.  A  very  large  type 
(Fig.  5,  Plate  vi),  reminding  one  of  the  hafted  ones  used  by  western  Indians 
in  scraping  large  skins,  comes  from  Mariners'  Harbor  and  is  the  only  one 
reported.  Fig.  S,  Plate  vi,  represents  a  serrated  scraper,  and  Fig.  3  a  scraper 
made  from  a  broken  arrowpoint. 

Flint,  when  freshly  quarried,  is  saturated  with  "quarry  water,"  and 
easier  to  work.  The  aborigines  realized  this;  and,  in  order  to  retain  the 
requisite  dampness,  it  was  customary  among  them  to  bury  blanked-out 
forms  in  the  ground  for  future  finishing.  These  hordes,  or  "caches"  as 
they  are  sometimes  called,  are  occasionally  found.  A  horde  of  six  large 
blanks  was  found  at  the  Milliken  site,  a  horde  of  thirty-two  (?)  pieces  was 
plowed  out  at  Watchogue  years  ago,  and  Mr.  Wm.  T.  Davis  found  in  the 
same  vicinity  a  large  cache  of  flint  blocks  not  even  blanked  out.  The  writer 
found  blank  forms  (perhaps  once  buried  together,  but  scattered  when  dis- 
covered) at  Old  Place,  and  Mr.  (ieorge  H.  Pepper  found  a  number  of  yellow 
jasper  blanks  in  a  child's  grave  at  Burial  Ridge,  Tottenville,  in  1895.  Figs. 
18  to  22,  Plate  vn,  are  good  examples  of  "cache  blades." 

Bajincr  Stones.  The  class  of  articles,  to  which  the  highly  unsatisfactory 
title  of  "Banner  stones"  has  been  applied,  occur  here  in  two  types,  grooved 
(Fig.  7,  Plate  vm)  and  perforated  (Figs.  8  to  11),  the  latter  type  being  by 
far  the  more  common  on  the  Island.  These  seem,  from  the  drill  marks  to 
be  found  within,  as  in  Fig.  11  (Mariners'  Harbor),  to  have  been  perforated 
by  a  hollow  drill,  making  a  core.  Perhaps  this  drill  was  a  reed  used  with 
sand. 

Plummets.  Fig.  28,  Plate  vi,  from  Watchogue,  is  an  example  of  an 
implement  commonly  known  as  a  "plummet,"  but  which  may  equally  well 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Staten  Island. 


21 


have  been  used  as  a  sinker  for  a  fishing  line,  or  indeed  for  any  one  of  half  a 
dozen  purposes.  These  implements  are  very  common  throughout  the  New 
England  region  but  so  far  this  example  from  YVatchogue  is  the  only  specimen 
of  the  kind  reported  from  Staten  Island. 

A  Stone  Mask.  In  the  collections  of  the  Staten  Island  Association  of 
Arts  and  Sciences,  there  is  a  human  head  carved  in  stone  (Plate  ix)  which 
was  found  near  the  Fingerboard  Road,  Grasmere.  While  this  specimen  is 
the  only  one  of  its  kind  from  the  Island,  it  is  not  unique  for  Lenapian  terri- 
tory, as  there  is  at  least  one  other  specimen  known,  from  ■Monmouth  County, 
New  Jersey  (not  very  far  from  Staten  Island),  which  is  in  the  possession  of 
the  Smithsonian  Institution,  and  is  figured  by  Wilson  with  the  Staten  Island 
specimen.1  C.  C.  Abbott 2  illustrates  two  gorgets  of  the  pendant  type  with 
incised  ornamentation,  representing  the  human  face,  one  from  Hunterdon 
and  the  other  from  Burlington  County,  New  Jersey.  He  mentions  also 
a  maskette  of  greenish  steatite  found  in  Monmouth  County  in  a  shell-heap. 
On  page  394  of  the  same  work,  he  illustrates  and  describes  still  another 
large  stone  "mask"  found  near  Trenton.  Mr.  A.  C.  Parker,  State  Archaeol- 
ogist at  the  New  York  State  Museum,  Albany,  states  that  carved  stone  heads 
have  been  found  in  the  Mahikan  territory  along  the  Hudson. 

That  representations  of  the  human  face  and  figure  have  been  and  are  of 
great  esoteric  significance  to  the  Lenape  cannot  be  questioned.  At  the 
present  day,  wooden  masks  are  still  worn  and  used  by  Lenape  in  medicinal 
and  mystery  ceremonies.  These  are  usually  painted  longitudinally  half 
red  and  half  black,  representing  the  warriors  and  women  of  the  people 
respectively,  and  this  is  also  true  of  some  curious  forked  wooden  drum- 
sticks from  the  Canadian  Lenape  seen  by  the  writer.  These  sticks  also  had 
a  head  carved  in  bass  relief  upon  them. 

Early  writers  frequently  mention  "idol  images"  and  posts  carved  with 
representations  of  the  human  form  among  the  Delawares.  The  writer 
found  rough  raised  human  heads  upon  the  rim  of  an  otherwise  typically 
Algonkin  vessel  in  a  shell  pit  on  the  Bowman's  Brook  site  at  Mariners' 
Harbor.  Stone  maskettes,  although  rare,  occur  among  the  modern  Iro- 
quois, carried  as  luck-charms  to  ward  off  evil,  disease,  etc.;  but  are  made  in 
exact  imitation  of  the  larger  wooden  dance  masks. 

Bone  and  Antler  Tools.  Considering  the  proximity  and  influence  of  the 
Mohawk  Iroquois,  who  were  such  skilled  workers  in  bone  and  antler,  it  is 
remarkable  that  so  few  objects  of  these  materials  have  come  to  light.  At 
Tottenville,  in  the  famous  "Burial  Ridge,"  Mr.  George  H.  Pepper  found 

1  Wilson,  Prehistoric  Art,  Plate  52,  opposite  page  481,  Annual  Report,  Smithsonian  Insti- 
tution, 1896. 

2  Primitive  Industry,  pp.  390-391. 


22 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Xatural  History.    [Vol.  Ill, 


twenty-three  arrow  points  in  and  among  the  bones  of  three  skeletons.  C. 
C.  Willoughby,  in  his  artiele  on  "Antler  Pointed  Arrows  of  the  Southeastern 
Indians,"  1  gives  figures  of  three  of  these.  They  are  of  three  types:  the  first 
being  merely  an  antler  tip  cut  off,  pointed  and  hollowed  at  the  base  for  the 
reception  of  the  shaft  (Fig.  10,  Plate  x) ;  whereas  the  second  is  identical  with 
the  first  save  for  a  single  barb  (Fig.  9).  The  third  type  (Fig.  8)  has  several 
barbs. 

Antler  prongs,  a  number  of  which  were  found  together,  broken  off, 
perhaps  for  the  purpose  of  being  made  into  arrow  points,  were  obtained 
at  Mariners'  Harbor  in  1901.  Fig.  6,  Plate  x,  shows  a  fragment  of  an  antler 
prong  from  which  the  tip  has  been  cut  by  grooving  and  breaking,  the  common 
method  hereabouts  for  cutting  bone  and  antler.  Complete  sets,  showing 
the  entire  process  of  antler  arrow  point  making  from  the  unused  antler  to  the 
finished  point,  are  in  the  Museum  collections  from  Kentucky  and  Ohio. 

In  regard  to  the  cutting  and  shaping  of  these  antler  points,  the  well- 
known  Adirondack  guide,  Charlie  Sabattis  (one-half  Abenaki)  informed  the 
writer  in  1903  that  his  father  and  the  other  Abenaki  in  general,  always 
boiled  antler  for  a  very  long  time  before  attempting  to  cut  it,  and  that  this 
boiling  reduced  the  antler  to  such  a  consistency  that  while  hot  it  "cut  just 
like  cheese."  In  1904  William  Blucskye  ((ia-nos-ho,  His-nether-parts-are- 
wet),  a  Seneca  Indian  of  great  intelligence,  gave  exactly  the  same  informa- 
tion, and  later  in  the  same  year  the  writer  found  in  the  middens  and  refuse 
pits  of  an  Erie  Indian  village  site,  at  Ripley,  Chautauqua  County,  New  York, 
long  shavings  of  antler,  and  antler  from  which  such  shavings  had  been  cut, 
which  seemed  to  bear  out  this  statement.  Mr.  M.  U.  Harrington,  who  has 
tried  experimenting  with  the  process,  declares  it  impracticable;  but  perhaps 
he  did  not  boil  the  antler  enough. 

Fig.  5,  Plate  x,  is  an  example  of  an  antler  pin  or  awl  with  a  carved  head, 
from  Bowman's  Brook  site.  Mariners'  Harbor.  It  is  the  only  example  which 
has  so  far  come  to  light.  Fig.  4,  Plate  x,  is  an  antler  cylinder  from  the  same 
place  which  was  probably  used  as  a  "pitching  tool"  or  fabricator  in  the 
finishing  of  chipped  stone  objects  by  pressure.  Fig.  16,  Plate  x,  shows  a 
bone  implement  from  the  same  site  which  perhaps  had  this  use*  also.  Figs. 
1-2  are  cylindrical  implements  of  antler  from  Tottenville  and  Mariners' 
Harbor,  of  problematical  use.  Fig.  11,  Plate  x,  shows  a  large  antler  prong, 
hollowed  at  the  base,  perhaps  for  a  handle.  This  specimen  comes  from  a 
shell  pit  on  South  Avenue,  Mariners'  Harbor,  near  the  Arlington  Station. 
Similar  objects,  apparently  used  as  lance,  spear,  or  pike  points,  have  been 
found  on  ancient  sites  of  the  Iroquois,  Seneca  and  Erie  of  Western  New 
York. 


1  American  Anthropologist,  N.  S.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  431. 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Staten  Island. 


23 


Fig.  15,  17,  18  and  19,  Plate  x,  show  various  types  of  bone  awls.  These 
are  found  sparingly,  and  excavation  would  probably  bring  more  to  light  on 
most  of  the  larger  sites.  Their  scarcity  is  attributable  to  their  perishability, 
as  none  are  ever  found  on  the  surface.  All  those  illustrated  come  from 
Mariners'  Harbor,  mainly  from  the  Bowman's  Brook  site.  While  called 
"awls,"  these  tools  may  have  had  various  uses.  From  their  abundance  in 
fire  and  refuse  pits  on  some  Algonkin  sites  (notably  at  Shinnecock  Hills, 
Long  Island),  it  has  been  suggested  that  they  may  have  been  used  as  forks 
for  handling  hot  food  or  removing  it  from  the  cooking  pot  when  eating. 
The  writer  has  found  a  similar  instrument  used  as  the  striking  pin  in  the  cup 
and  ball  game  among  the  Northern  Cree  of  James  Bay,  Canada.  Fig.  7, 
Plate  x,  a  bone  arrow  point  found  with  the  antler  and  stone  points  noted 
above  at  Burial  Ridge,  Tottenville,  is  hollow,  and  probably  the  shaft  was 
inserted.  Fig.  14,  Plate  x,  represents  a  bone  scraper  or  flesher  probably 
for  removing  hair  or  fat  from  skins.  This  specimen  was  excavated  at 
Tottenville  by  Mr.  Pepper.    The  writer  has  heard  of  no  other  examples. 

Cups  or  vessels  made  of  tortoise  shell  which  is  usually  the  carapace  of  the 
box  tortoise,  Tranene  Carolina,  still  common  in  Staten  Island  woods,  are  to 
be  found  on  most  sites.  The  inner  ribs  are  removed  by  cutting  and  scraping 
as  may  be  observed.  Owing  to  the  tendency  for  the  shells  of  these  tortoises 
to  crack  apart  along  the  sutures,  very  few  perfect  specimens  are  found. 
Fig.  22,  Plate  x,  is  an  unusually  perfect  example  from  the  Burial  Ridge  at 
Tottenville.  Perforated  tortoise  shells,  or  shells  used  as  rattles,  etc.,  seem 
never  to  have  been  reported  from  this  region. 

Fig.  34,  Plate  vi,  is  a  fossil  which  has  been  kindly  identified  by  Dr. 
Louis  Hussakof,  of  the  Department  of  Palaeontology,  as  a  tooth  of  Car- 
charodon  rondeletii  (Miiller  and  Henle),  a  living  species  of  shark  whose 
fossil  remains  are  found  in  the  Pliocene  deposits  of  Italy,  Sicily  and  England, 
and  in  the  Miocene  and  Eocene  beds  of  the  Ashely  River,  South  Carolina, 
in  this  country,  from  whence  this  specimen,  found  at  Watchogue,  probably 
came.  A  fossil  shark  tooth  has  been  found  by  the  writer  at  Shinnecock 
Hills,  Long  Island,  in  an  Indian  grave;  and  another  notched  and  fashioned 
into  an  arrow  point,  from  Central  Xew  York,  has  been  published  by  Beau- 
champ.  Evidently  these  objects  were  known  to  the  aborigines  and  were 
perhaps  brought  by  them  from  the  Ashely  River  deposits.  Another  has 
been  seen  from  a  New  Jersey  Lenape  site  near  Trenton. 

Pottery.  While  the  modern  Lenape  of  Canada  and  elsewhere  still  use 
wooden  bowls  and  spoons,  splint  and  bark  baskets,  etc.,  for  culinary  purposes, 
and  while  we  have  records  of  such  objects  from  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the 
region  in  question,  nevertheless  no  such  specimens  have  come  down  to  us. 
Only  the  imperishable  potsherds  and  fragments  of  stone  vessels  now  remain. 


24 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.    [Vol.  Ill, 


While  steatite  fragments  occur  in  Staten  Island  equally  well  distributed,  they 
are  rare,  and  naturally  so,  as  there  are  no  known  steatite  quarries  nearer 
than  Connecticut.  The  fragments  found  seem  to  be  of  the  regular  New 
England  type  of  vessel,  having  knobs  at  the  ends  for  handles.  Such  knobs 
seem  to  have  been  usual  on  the  steatite  vessels  of  this  region. 

The  clay  artifacts  are  exceedingly  limited  as  to  form,  pottery  vessels  of 
four  types  and  clay  pipes  of  several  varieties  being  the  only  articles  found. 
The  typical  pottery  vessel  of  the  local  Lenape  was  wide  mouthed,  with  sides 
narrowing  gradually  to  the  pointed  base,  in  some  cases  giving  the  impression 
of  an  elongated  cone.  In  size  these  jars  ranged  from  those  capable  of  hold- 
ing about  a  quart  to  several  gallons.  The  pointed  base  precluded  the  possi- 
bility of  standing  alone  unless  stuck  up  in  the  sand  or  propped  up  with 
stones.  These  vessels  were  ornamented  with  incised  lines  on  the  outside 
swell  of  the  rim,  and  rarely  a  little  way  down  the  inside. 

A  second  type  of  typical  Algonkin  vessel  possessed  a  more  rounded 
bottom,  with  sides  somewhat  swollen  about  the  middle,  and  neck  slightly 
constricted  before  reaching  the  mouth  which  flared  a  little  though  never 
being  quite  as  broad  as  the  middle.  Sometimes  the  lip  or  rim  was  turned  a 
little  outward.  These  vessels  were  almost  invariably  decorated  with  stamp 
or  roulette.  The  decoration  frequently  ('Mended  for  a  little  way  about  the 
inside  of  the  mouth,  and  on  the  outside  as  tar  down  as  the  central  bulge. 

A  third  type  is  an  intermediate  mixed  form.  It  is  a  vessel  showing 
modified  Iroquoian  influence.  The  characteristics  of  this  form  are  a 
rounded  bottom,  constricted  neck,  and  thin  and  narrow  collar.  This  form 
like  the  above  is  always  decorated  by  stamp  or  roulette  and  in  the  same  man- 
ner, it  is  fairly  common,  usually  on  sites  w  here  the  typical  Iroquoian  form  is 
found. 

The  fourth  and  last  form  found  is  the  typical  Iroquois  vessel  of  the 
Mohawk  valley  and  elsewhere.  It  is  well  known  that  the  Mohawk,  or  more 
properly  Kanienga,  tribe  of  the  Five  Nations  subjugated  all  the  local  Algon- 
kin of  this  region  for  many  miles,  and  there  are  deeds  on  record  of  sales  by 
them  of  parcels  of  Staten  Island  land  to  the  whites.  Certainly  their  in- 
fluence was  very  great,  and  it  is  not  surprising  that  the  aesthetic  value  of 
their  bold  and  graceful  pottery  should  impress  itself  upon  their  subjects. 

The  Iroquoian  vessels  found  here  possess  a  round  bottom,  constricted 
and  rather  narrow  neck,  and  thick  and  heavy  collar,  which  at  intervals 
bears  curious  humps.  The  striking  angles  and  square  mouths  so  charac- 
teristic of  true  Iroquois  pottery  are  absent,  however.  Decoration  is  usually, 
but  not  always,  by  incised  lines,  and  the  lower  edge  of  the  collar  is  invariably 
notched.    This  has  been  called  "the  hallmark  of  Mohawk  pottery."  In 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Staten  Island. 


25 


some  instances  a  wash  or  sizing  of  finer,  lighter  clay  has  been  used.  This 
seems  never  to  have  been  used  on  the  true  Algonkin  pottery;  at  least,  the 
writer  has  never  observed  it.  One  specimen  has  the  collar  stamped  by  the 
impression  of  the  fluted  edge  of  a  scallop  shell. 

One  other  curious  form  of  Iroquois  influence  has  been  noted.  Repre- 
sentations of  the  human  face,  not  infrequent  in  Western  New  York,  have 
never  to  the  writer's  knowledge  been  found  heretofore  on  Lenape  clay  work, 
pipes  or  vessels;  but  fragments  of  a  single  specimen  of  a  typical  Algonkin 
pointed  based  vessel,  decorated  with  incised  lines  and  rude  raised  human 
faces,  was  found  a  few  years  since  by  the  writer  at  the  Bowman's  Brook  site, 
Mariners'  Harbor,  where  the  more  usual  Iroquois  forms  occur  with  the 
typical  Algonkin  type.  A  single  fragment  of  a  vessel  showing  a  knob  or 
handle  has  been  found  at  Watchogue. 

From  fragments  found  it  is  patent  that  these  vessels  were  usually  built 
by  the  coil  process,  but  the  junctures  were  carefully  smoothed  over  with  a 
pebble  or  shell  and  rarely  a  wash  or  sizing  of  a  lighter  clay  was  given  to 
conceal  the  coils  and  give  a  brighter  appearance  to  the  pot.  The  coil  work 
was  under  no  circumstances  allowed  to  show  in  a  finished  vessel,  as  in  some 
specimens  from  the  southwest.  Clay  was  tempered  with  burnt  and  ground 
granite  or  other  rock,  or  shell  calcined  and  ground,  probably  with  a  stone 
mortar  and  pestle  or  muller.  On  rare  occasions,  cut  grass  or  bark,  or 
perhaps  some  other  substance,  was  used  for  tempering;  at  least,  in  some 
specimens  found,  the  subsequent  firing  has  caused  the  tempering  material 
to  entirely  disappear,  leaving  marks  and  cavities  much  like  those  to  be 
found  in  some  pottery  from  the  south,  which  was  fibre  tempered. 

It  is  impossible  to  learn  how  the  coiling  process  was  begun  in  moulding 
vessels  in  this  region,  nor  the  exact  methods  of  firing;  probably  the  vessel 
was  first  built  up,  smoothed  over,  and  allowed  to  dry.  It  was  then,  in  the 
case  of  typical  Algonkin  vessels  of  this  vicinity,  decorated  almost,  if  not 
always,  by  combinations  of  incised  lines  and  dots,  and  never  by  a  stamp  or 
roulette  nor  allowed  to  remain  plain.  Professor  W.  H.  Holmes  gives  a 
description  of  this  operation  collected  by  James  Mooney  among  the  Catawba 
in  North  Carolina,1  as  follows:  — 

"After  the  vessel  had  dried  until  the  afternoon  of  the  third  day,  in  the  sun,  as 
far  as  possible,  the  surface  was  again  rubbed  inside  and  out  with  the  polishing  stone. 
This  work  occupied  half  an  hour.  After  this  the  vase  was  placed  before  the  fire 
where  not  exposed  to  drafts  and  dried  or  baked  for  half  an  hour. —  It  was  then  ready 
for  firing  which  was  conducted  indoors.  Oak  bark  was  used  for  firing;  Sally  Wahuhu 
stated  that  poplar  bark  gave  superior  color  and  finish.  Bark  was  preferred  to  wood, 
because  it  was  more  easily  broken  up  and  was  more  convenient.    A  heap  of  bark 


1  20th  Annual  Report,  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,  p.  54. 


26 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.    [Vol.  Ill, 


was  laid  on  a  bed  of  living  coals;  the  vessel  was  filled  with  broken  bark  and  inverted 
over  the  pile  of  ignited  bark  and  then  completely  covered  with  the  same  fuel.  The 
exterior  bark  was  fired  and  the  supply  renewed  for  an  hour,  when  the  red-hot  vessel 
was  taken  out.  It  was  kept  away  from  the  drafts  during  the  burning  and  the  first 
part  of  the  cooling  to  prevent  cracking.  It  was  allowed  to  cool  near  the  fire  until 
the  red  heat  had  disappeared,  when  it  was  removed  to  the  open  air.  On  examina- 
tion it  was  found  that  the  inside  had  been  colored  a  deep,  glistening  black  by  the 
burning;  but  the  exterior,  save  in  spots  where  the  bark  had  been  dense  and  the  fire 
much  smothered,  was  of  grayish  and  reddish  tints." 

Staten  Island  pottery  is  often  as  light  colored  within  as  without.  Some 
specimens  have  been  fired  too  much,  others  too  little;  in  both  cases,  the 
result  is  a  very  crumbly  and  brittle  ware.  When  a  vessel  was  cracked  or 
broken  in  a  simple  manner,  parallel  holes  were  drilled  on  either  side  of  the 
fracture,  and  the  vessel  was  "laced"  together  with  sinew,  thongs  or  cord, 
and,  though  no  longer  serviceable  to  hold  liquids,  was  at  least  good  enough 
for  the  storage  of  corn,  etc.  Figs.  26,  A  and  B,  Plate  VI,  show  pottery 
fragments  drilled  for  this  purpose. 

Foods  were  boiled  in  the  pointed  vessels  probably  in  two  ways:  the  first 
consisted  in  propping  the  vessel  up  in  the  middle  of  the  fire,  an  easy  matter 
when  the  fire  was  built  in  a  pit,  and  the  second  method  was  by  dropping 
heated  stones  into  the  water  until  it  boiled.  The  Lenape  women  were 
sometimes  slovenly  housekeepers,  for  often  fragments  of  pottery  may  yet 
be  found  bearing  the  traces  of  soot  and  grease  on  their  sides  that  were  not 
scrubbed  off  in  Indian  days. 

Pottery  vessels  arc  never  found  buried  with  skeletons  here,  as  elsewhere. 
They  are,  however,  rarely  found  in  graves,  not  near  the  skeleton  but  at 
some  distance  from  it,  and  always  broken;  sometimes  stones  lie  on  and 
among  the  sherds  as  though  cast  upon  the  pot  to  break  it.  The  frequent 
occurrence  of  charcoal,  deer-bones,  mollusk  shells,  etc.,  nearby  would 
suggest  a  "Feast  of  the  Dead"  and  a  subsequent  destruction  of  the  vessels 
used,  rather  than  an  offering  to  the  spirit  of  the  departed. 

Pipes.  The  clay  pipes  of  the  local  Lenape*  were  abundant  and  through- 
out typically  Algonkin  in  form  and  decoration.  Three  types  have  come  to 
otir  notice.  The  first  type  is  not  at  all  common,  and  is  merely  a  perfectly 
straight,  plain  or  nearly  plain  pipe;  the  stem  is  tubular  and  rather  short, 
expanding  at  one  end  to  form  the  bowl.  Fig.  7,  Plate  ix,  from  Mariners' 
Harbor,  shows  a  plain  straight  clay  pipe  of  this  type.  Fig.  1  is  a  fragment 
showing  the  entire  stem  and  part  of  the  bowl  of  a  very  short  rude  pipe  of  this 
class  from  Rossville.  The  second  type  is  about  the  same  size,  but  the  bowl 
bends  off  from  the  stem  at  a  slight  angle  or  curve,  as  in  Fig.  8  from  Mariners' 
Harbor.    This  type  is  often  highly  ornamented,  and  is  the  most  abundant 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Staten  Island. 


27 


form.  The  third  and  last  type  noted  has  a  broad,  flat,  rather  short  stem, 
a  cross  section  of  which  resembles  a  long-sided  rectangle  with  bulging  sides, 
the  bowl  is  set  on  this  at  a  slight  angle,  and  is  usually  of  greater  capacity 
than  in  the  other  types,  as  in  Fig.  13  from  Tottenville.  Pipes  of  this  class 
are  not  uncommon. 

Staten  Island  clay  pipes  are  rarely  if  ever  tempered;  they  seem,  how- 
ever, to  be  made  of  finer  clay  than  the  average  pottery,  and  are  more  often 
sized  or  washed  with  a  light  clay  paste.  The  ornamentation  is  usually  done 
by  incision  and  the  designs  resemble  those  of  the  pottery  vessels;  but  there 
is  more  originality.  While  the  human  face  or  form  never  appears  as  in  the 
Iroquois  country,  yet  specimens  have  been  found  whose  ornamentation 
suggested  conventionalized  life  forms,  and  one  or  two  fragments  of  stems 
appear  not  unlike  the  famous  Iroquois  snake  pipes  in  which  a  snake  is  coiled 
about  the  stem  and  bowl.  However,  on  no  occasion  has  enough  of  one  of 
these  pipes  been  found  to  show  whether  or  not  this  was  the  case.  The 
perforation  in  the  stem  was  probably  secured  by  moulding  the  clay  around 
a  twig  or  reed  which  subsequently  disappeared  in  firing.  Apparently  twists 
of  grass  were  never  used  for  this  purpose  as  among  the  Iroquois. 

A  single  specimen  of  a  pipe  stem  showing  secondary  use  as  a  bead  has 
been  found  at  Watchogue.  In  this  case  the  broken  ends  were  carefully 
ground  or  smoothed  off.  Several  incised  designs  representing  a  man,  a 
fish,  etc.,  appear  to  have  been  scratched  on  at  a  later  date,  perhaps  by  the 
finder,  though  they  may  be  aboriginal.    (Fig.  10,  Plate  ix.) 

Stone  pipes  were  invariably  made  of  steatite  of  various  colors.  Two 
types  occur.  The  most  abundant  of  the  two  (and  both  are  rare)  is  the 
typical  monitor  type,  as  in  Fig.  6,  Plate  ix.  A  number  of  these  have  been 
found  at  Tottenville;  one,  which  had  been  broken,  was  mended  by  boring 
and  lashing,  as  in  the  case  of  the  pottery  vessels.  One  specimen  in  the 
collection  of  Mr.  Almar  Decker  of  Tottenville,  is  of  unusual  size  and  has  a 
tiny  stem  or  mouth  piece  fashioned  at  one  end.  The  second  class  is  what 
McGuire  calls  the  trumpet  pipe.1  Only  one  specimen  of  this  form  has  been 
recorded.  It  was  found  in  an  Indian  grave  in  the  Burial  Ridge,  at  Totten- 
ville by  Mr.  Max  Bedell  of  Pleasant  Plains. 

Xo  stone  pipes  have  been  recorded  from  any  of  the  sites  on  the  north 
shore  of  the  Island,  with  the  exception  of  a  broken  red  catlinite  pipe  of 
typical  rectangular  western  style,  now  in  the  collection  of  the  Staten  Island 
Association  of  Arts  and  Sciences.  It  is  undoubtedly  a  case  of  mistaken 
locality,  as  it  belongs  to  a  period  far  later  than  any  of  the  other  stone  pipes 
from  this  locality,  and  is  of  a  type  and  material  which  are  never  found  in 
this  region. 


1  McGuire,  Annual  Report,  Smithsonian  Institution,  1897,  p.  494. 


28 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.    [Vol.  Ill, 


The  curiously  repeated  references  by  early  contemporaries  to  pipes  of 
copper  used  by  local  aborigines  are  doubtless  erroneous,  as  there  is  no  arch- 
seologic  evidence  of  this  fact.  Perhaps  the  red  or  yellow  day  of  which  some 
pipes  were  made  misled  the  casual  observer. 

Copper.  Metal  was  probably  never  worked  by  the  Staten  Island  Lenape. 
In  the  grave  of  a  child  opened  by  Mr.  George  H.  Pepper  at  Burial  Ridge, 
Tottenville,  in  IN!)."),  copper  stains  were  found  about  the  skull  and  upper 
part  of  the  skeleton.  Some  olivella  shell  beads  were  also  discolored  in  the 
same  way,  the  inference  being  that  beads  of  native  copper  had  been  used  as  a 
necklace.  This  is  the  only  record  of  native  copper  for  this  region,  and  the 
beads  were  probably  exotic  in  origin.  A  very  few  recent  metallic  objects 
are  later  described  under  the  next  head. 

Trade  Artielc.s.  Objects  of  European  manufacture  are  surprisingly 
rare.  Old  deeds  and  records  make  very  frequent  mention  of  such  things, 
but  they  seem  to  have  disappeared  as  almost  everything  now  found  belongs 
to  the  prehistoric  period.  Some  of  the  lists  of  objects  received  by  the  Indians 
from  the  Dutch  and  English  in  exchange  for  land  grants  will  serve  to  show 
the  kind  of  material  to  be  expected  on  Staten  Island  Lenape'  sites.  The 
Island  was  sold  a  number  of  times  by  the  Indians  to  the  Dutch,  and  at  least 
once  to  the  English.  In  the  Indian  deed  of  Staten  Island  to  the  Dutch, 
dated  July  10th,  lb")?,1  the  following  goods  are  to  be  imported  from  Holland 
for  the  Indians,  many  of  whom  may  not  have  lived  upon  Staten  Island 
proper  although  belonging  to  the  tribes  inhabiting  it: —  10  boxes  of  shirts; 
30  pairs  of  (ferousse)  socks;  10  muskets;  10  bars  of  lead;  10  ells  of  red 
(dousyns)  cloth;  2  pieces  of  duffel;  30  kettles;  oO  axes,  large  and  small; 
30  pounds  of  powder;  some  awls;  2")  adzes;  some  knives.  Again,  in  the 
deed  to  the  English  Governor  Francis  Lovelace,  in  lb7o,  we  find:  —  400 
fathoms  of  wampum;  30  Match  coats;  30  Flints;  20  Guns;  a  firkin  of 
powder;  (JO  bars  of  lead;  30  Hose;  50  knives. 

As  stated  before,  however,  few  or  none  of  these  articles  are  now  extant. 
A  brass  arrow  point  (Fig.  29,  Plate  vi)  comes  from  Watchogue;  it  is  long 
and  narrow,  and  perforated  near  the  centre.  Another  (Fig.  30,  Plate  vi) 
is  of  a  different  type,  and  was  found  at  Old  Place.  Perhaps  both  specimens 
may  have  been  made  from  brass  trade  kettles.  Fig.  23  represents  a  small 
fragment  of  brass  or  copper  found  in  a  shell  pit  at  Old  Place.  It  is  per- 
forated for  suspension.  Fig.  31  represents  a  pewter  trade  ring  from  Old 
Place.  Several  glass  beads  have  been  found,  and  Mr.  Isaac  Wort,  Sr., 
of  Rossville,  says  that,  when  he  was  a  boy,  trade  axes,  or  tomahawks,  were 
numerous  near  his  home  in  the  sandy  fields.    Glass  beads  were  also  abun- 

1  E.  B.  O'Callaghan,  Documents  Relating  to  the  Colonial  History  of  the  State  of  New  York, 
Vol.  XIV,  p.  393. 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Staten  Island. 


29 


dant.  A  single  specimen  from  this  vicinity,  was  noted  by  the  writer.  On 
Mr.  Wort's  farm,  several  small,  apparently  aboriginal  shell-heaps  and  pits 
yielded  Indian  pottery,  flint  chips,  a  bone  awl,  fragments  of  china  and  split 
and  cracked  cow  and  sheep  bones.  As  the  last  living  Staten  Island  Indians 
dwelt  in  this  vicinity,  no  doubt  some  of  their  historic  settlements  were  here- 
abouts. Not  far  from  here  the  writer  has  picked  up  many  brass  thimbles 
(for  example,  Fig.  33,  Plate  vi),  on  an  Indian  site;  these  are  abundant  on 
early  historic  Indian  sites  in  Western  New  York. 

Clay  pipes  stamped  "R.  Tippet"  occur  on  several  sites;  a  fragment  of  a 
pewter  kettle  has  been  found.  One  or  two  iron  arrow  points  have  been 
reported,  and  Captain  Wainwright  reports  having  found  a  portion  of  a 
Dutch  pottery  vessel  in  an  Indian  grave  at  Burial  Ridge,  Tottenville.  Short 
as  it  is,  this  is  an  almost  complete  list  of  the  trade  articles  now  in  existence. 

History  and  Ethnography  of  Staten  Island. 

The  aboriginal  inhabitants  of  Staten  Island  at  the  time  of  its  discovery 
seem  to  have  belonged  to  the  Lenni  Lenape,  or  Delaware  Indians.  There 
is  apparently  no  reason  why  we  should  not  accept  as  genuine  the  famous 
"Walum  Olum,"  or  Red  Score,1  of  the  Lenape  from  which  we  derive  the 
Delaware  migration  legend  given  here  in  abstract. 

At  some  ancient  mythical  period;  the  first  Lenape  lived  on  tidewater 
in  the  far  Northeast,  perhaps  in  Labrador.  Thence  they  journeyed  south- 
west to  a  broad  body  of  water,  containing  many  islands  and  full  of  fish, 
possibly  the  St.  Lawrence  at  the  Thousand  Islands.  Crossing  this,  they 
stayed  for  some  time  in  the  forest  lands  of  New  York  at  war  with  the  Snake 
people  and  the  Talega,  who  were  sedentary  agricultural  people  living  to  the 
southeast  in  Ohio  and  Indiana.  The  Snake  people  they  expelled,  but  the 
Talega  continued  to  hold  the  Upper  Ohio  River  and  its  branches. 

Wishing  to  join  their  kindred  in  the  east,  the  New  England  Algonkin, 
the  Lenape  united  with  the  Talamatan  (Huron)  to  drive  out  the  Talega, 
perhaps  the  Cherokee  or  Tsalaki.  They  did  not  succeed  in  this  until  the 
historic  period;  but  they  managed  to  reach  the  Delaware  Valley,  though 
they  never  gave  up  their  claims  to  the  western  country. 

During  the  sixteenth  century  the  Iroquoian  Conestoga,  or  Susquehan- 
nock,  erupted  into  the  Susquehanna  Valley,  thus  forming  a  barrier  between 
the  eastern  and  western  Algonkin,  and  eventually  forcing  many  Lenape 
bands  across  to  the  east  bank  of  the  Delaware,  where  thev  remained  until 
well  within  the  historic  period. 


D.  G.  Brinton,  The  Lenape  and  Their  Legends,  p.  169. 


30 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.    [Vol.  Ill, 


The  Lenni  Lenape  or  Delaware  Indians  were  divided  into  three  great 
bands  and  were  located,  when  first  known  by  the  whites,  in  what  are  now 
the  States  of  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania  and  Delaware. 

The  most  northerly  of  the  great  Lenni  Lenape  divisions,  the  Minci,  or 
Muncey  ("mountaineers,"  Brinton),  held  the  mountains  near  the  head- 
waters of  the  Delaware  above  the  Forks  at  the  junction  of  the  Lehigh. 
They  had  an  important  rendezvous  at  Minisink  Plains  above  the  Water  Gap, 
and  another  on  the  east  branch  of  the  Delaware  ("Namaes  Sipu,  Fish  River," 
Brinton).  Their  hunting  grounds  covered  territory  in  the  three  colonies  of 
Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey  and  New  York.  Bands  of  this  division  held  the 
western  bank  of  the  Hudson  River  for  some  distance.1 

Aside  from  the  three  great  divisions  geographically  considered,  there 
were  numerous  local  bands  usually  called  after  the  localities  in  which  they 
resided,  and  these  divisions  had  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  the  clans  and 
great  divisions  or  sub-tribes.  Hrdlicka,2  describes  and  locates,  on  a  map 
of  his  making,  the  Lenape*  bands  of  the  vicinity  of  Trenton,  New  Jersey,  ac- 
cording to  John  Smith,  De  Laet,  Evelyn,  N.  J.  Vischer  and  N.  Vischer, 
Campanius,  Acrelius  and  Proud;  these  agreeing  in  the  main  with  locations 
of  bands  placed  on  the  accompanying  map  by  the  author.  Some  of  Hrd- 
licka's  names  arc  not  given  here,  however,  as,  according  to  Brinton,  who 
commented  upon  the  original  sources,  they  are  unimportant  and  sometimes 
doubtful.  Hrdlicka's  map  also  splits  the  bands  into  finer  divisions  than  is 
here  necessary.  Brinton,  quoting  from  Evelyn,  Ileckewelder  and  Rafin- 
esque,  mentions  some  others  which  are  not  given  in  the  following  list  by 
Ruttenber  (page  S(.)  ct  wv/.)  of  the  local  bands  from  north  to  cast. 

Muncey. 

1.  Esopus,  west  bank  of  Hudson  River  near  Kingston. 

2.  Waoranoecks,  east  bank  of  Hudson  River,  opposite  the  Esopus. 

3.  Pachami,  east  bank  of  Hudson  River,  south  of  the  Waoranoecks. 

4.  Wappingers,  both  banks  of  Hudson  River,  south  of  the  Pachami. 

5.  MamekotingSj  Mamakating  Valley,  west  of  Shawangunk  Mountains. 

6.  Wawarsinks,  these  with  the  Katskills  and  Mamekotings  have  no 

history  separate  from  the  Esopus  of  whom  they  were  neighbors. 

7.  Minnisinks,  west  of  the  Esopus  and  inhabiting  the  headwaters  of  the 

Delaware. 

8.  Waranwankongs,  west  bank  of  Hudson  River,  opposite  the  Wappingers. 


1  D.  G.  Brinton,  The  Lenape"  and  Their  Legends,  p.  37. 

2  A.  Hrdlicka,  The  Crania  of  Trenton,  Bulletin,  American  Museum  of  Natural  History, 
Vol.  XVI,  Article  III,  pp.  34-40. 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Staten  Island. 


31 


Unami. 

9.    Haverstraws,  west  bank  of  Hudson,  south  of  the  Waranawankongs, 
and  in  the  locality  now  known  as  Haverstraw. 

10.  Tappans,  west  bank  of  the  Hudson,  from  Hackensack  River  north. 

They  claimed  at  one  time  a  part  of  Staten  Island. 

11.  Aquackanonks,  from  the  vicinity  of  Paterson,  N.  J.,  westward. 

12.  Hackensacks,  Valleys  of  the  Passaic  and  Hackensack  Rivers,  south  to 

the  northern  shore  of  Staten  Island. 

13.  Raritans  or  Assanhicans,  from  Trenton,  N.  J.,  up  the  Delaware  and 

Raritan  River  Valleys  to  the  southern  end  of  Staten  Island. 

14.  Navesincks,  Highlands  south  of  Sandy  Hook,  N.  J. 

15.  Assiscuncks,  vicinity  of  Assiscunck  Creek  above  Burlington,  N.  J. 

16.  Rancocas,  Rancocas  Creek,  just  south  of  the  Assiscuncks. 

17.  Okahoki,  opposite  the  Rancocas,  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Delaware. 

18.  Shackamaxon,  west  bank  of  the  Delaware,  near  Philadelphia  and 

northward. 

Unalacthtigo. 

19.  Chikelacki,  vicinity  of  Wilmington,  Delaware. 

20.  Narraticons,  near  Jersey  shore  of  the  Delaware  River,  opposite  the 

Chikelacki. 

21.  Manteses,  south  of  the  Narraticons  and  north  of  the  Kechemeches. 

22.  Eromiex,  at  Pensaukin  Creek. 

23.  Kechemeches,  Cape  May,  New  Jersey,  and  above. 

24.  Sikonesses,  or  Seconesses,  at  Cohanses  Creek. 

25.  Axion,  at  Burlington. 

Besides  the  bands  here  given  and  located  on  the  accompanying  map, 
we  have  record  of  the  following  who  are  not  located,  either  because  of  in- 
sufficient information  as  to  locality,  or  from  lack  of  importance. 


Muncey. 


Neshamini. 

Passayouk  (Passaic  —  ?) . 
Calcefar, 


Nanttunexts. 
Hickory  Indians  (?). 


Asomoclus, 
Mosilian, 


These  names  are  very  corrupt,  according  to  Brinton.1 


1  D.  G.  Brinton,  The  Lenapg  and  Their  Legends,  p.  41. 


32 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.    [Vol.  Ill, 


Unclassified. 

Wapings,  Opings  or  Pomptons  (synonymous  with  Aquakanonks —  ?). 

On  the  map,  the  location  of  these  bands  and  the  great  divisions  of  the 
Lenape,  at  the  time  when  they  were  first  known  to  the  Whites,  is  given  as 
nearly  as  is  now  possible,  with  special  reference  to  the  Unami  Lenape  of 
Staten  Island.  There  are,  doubtless,  many  mistakes,  and  it  should  be 
remembered  that  the  Lenape  were  soon  displaced  by  the  Whites,  especially 
along  the  coast,  and  by  the  Iroquois;  so  that  their  territory  during  later 
colonial  times  was  much  farther  west.  As  the  Whites  still  advanced,  they 
were  driven  first  from  the  Susquehanna  to  the  Ohio;  then  into  Canada  on 
the  one  hand,  and  south  and  west  into  Kansas  and  the  Indian  Territory  on 
the  other.  Most  of  the  Lenape  now  remaining  are  either  in  Canada  or 
Indian  Territory. 

Bands  of  the  Lenape  are  here  and  again  located  and  plotted  on  old  maps 
by  contemporary  writers;  but  the  better  and  more  complete  lists  of  the 
various  divisions  have  been  compiled  from  these  sources  by  Ruttenber  and 
Brinton.  Hrdlicka's  map,  as  has  been  stated,  is  too  involved,  and  covers 
only  a  small  part  of  the  territory  under  consideration. 

The  old  papers  and  documents  which  have  been  available  show  that 
Staten  Island  at  one  time  was  held  by  at  least  two  local  bands  of  the  Unami 
Delaware,  the  Raritans  on  the  southern,  and  Hackensacks  probably  on  the 
northern  shore,  while  a  third  band,  the  Tappans,  had  at  least  some  claim 
upon  it.  Ruttenber  says,  "The  Raritans  occupied  the  valley  and  river 
which  still  bears  their  name.  They  were  first  called  Sanhikans,  or  Fire 
Workers.  They  were  divided,  it  is  said,  in  two  sachemdoms  and  about 
twenty  chieftaincies.  From  their  title  deeds  it  would  appear  that  the  two 
sachems  were  Appamauskoch  and  Mattano  or  Mattenon.  Their  territory 
on  the  Hudson  included  the  valley  of  the  Raritan,  and  from  thence  to  the 
sea,"  1  which  included  Staten  Island. 

In  O'Callaghan,  we  find  that:  —  "The' district  inhabited  by  a  nation 
called  Raritangs,  is  situated  on  a  fresh  water  river,  that  flows  through  the 
centre  of  the  low  lands  which  the  Indians  cultivate.  This  vacant  territory 
lies  between  two  high  mountains,  far  distant  the  one  from  the  other.  This 
district  was  abandoned  by  the  natives  for  two  reasons;  the  first  and  principal 
is,  that  finding  themselves  unable  to  resist  the  southern  Indians,  they  mi- 
grated further  inland;  the  second,  because  this  country  was  flooded  every 
spring.  1 


1  Ruttenber,  Indian  Tribes  of  Hudson's  River,  p.  90. 

2  O'Callaghan,  Vol.  IV,  p.  29. 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Staten  Island. 


33 


References  to  the  Raritans  as  owners  and  inhabitants  of  Staten  Island 
are  frequent,  but  the  presence  of  the  Hackensacks  and  Tappans  has  been 
entirely  ignored  by  local  historians.  Ruttenber  says  "  Staten  Island,  by  the 
Indians  called  Eghquaons,  appears  to  have  been  owned  in  partnership  by 
the  Raritans,  Tappans  and  Hackensacks,"  1  and  in  a  deed  to  Van  der  Capel- 
len,  dated  July  10,  1659,  the  name  of  a  sachem  of  the  Tappans,  "Tagh- 
kospemo,"  appears. 

In  a  letter  from  Governor  Lovelace,  dated  February  24,  1665,  we  find  an 
account  of  a  visit  made  by  him  to  "Perewyn  lately  made  Chief  of  Hacken- 
sack,  Tappan  and  Staten  Island,  and  states  that  they  reviewed  and  acknowl- 
edged the  peace  between  them  and  the  Maquas  and  Senecas,  the  which 
they  say  they  are  resolved  to  keep  inviolate."  2 

Little  seems  to  be  known  about  the  Indians  during  the  period  between  the 
writings  of  Dankers  and  Sluyter  and  1640.  It  is  probable  that  they  were  at 
first  friendly  with  the  Dutch,  then  tolerant,  and  finally,  as  will  be  shown, 
hostile.    The  first  recorded  case  of  hostility  was  occasioned  as  follows:  — 

In  the  spring  of  1640,  some  servants  of  the  Dutch  West  India  Company, 
while  passing  Staten  Island  on  their  way  to  the  South  River  settlements, 
landed  long  enough  to  steal  a  sloop  and  make  way  with  some  hogs.  The 
Raritan  Indians,  though  wholly  ignorant  of  the  theft,  were  promptly  accused 
of  it.  The  hot-headed  Kieft,  then  Governor  of  New  Amsterdam,  showed 
his  approval  of  the  charge  by  sending  out  his  Secretary  Van  Tienhoven  and 
seventy  men,  with  instructions  to  invade  the  Indian  cantons  on  Staten  Island, 
to  capture  as  many  savages  as  possible,  and  to  burn  and  destroy  all  that  fell 
in  their  way.  When  the  party  arrived  at  their  destination,  they  became 
insubordinate  and  vowed  they  would  have  the  blood  of  every  Indian  taken. 
Van  Tienhoven,  who  seems  to  have  been  a  liberal  and  humane  man,  found 
all  his  arguments  of  no  avail  and  finally  in  despair  left  the  party.  The 
blood-thirsty  soldiers,  relieved  of  all  restraint,  proceeded  and  soon  came 
upon  the  unsuspecting  savages.  The  fight  was  probably  sharp  and  severe, 
the  Indians  apparently  resisting  the  enemy  with  all  their  power.  During 
the  action,  several  savages  were  killed,  and  a  brother  of  the  local  chief  was 
taken  prisoner  by  one  Govert  Lockermans.  The  troops  then  fired  the 
village,  and  cut  the  standing  corn.  They  then  slew  their  prisoners  (though 
De  Vries  says  3  he  was  grievously  maltreated,  but  not  killed),  and  retreated 
in  triumph,  leaving  dead  on  the  ground  a  comrade  named  Ross,  who  had 
been  supercargo  of  the  ship  "Neptune." 

The  Raritans  were  not  slow  to  avenge  the  wrong  done  to  them.  The 


1  Ruttenber,  p.  91. 

2  Ruttenber,  p.  00. 

3  De  Vries,  Journal,  p.  143. 


34 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.    [Vol.  Ill, 


De  Vries  plantation  on  Staten  Island  went  up  in  smoke,  although  the  owner 
had  always  been  a  friend  to  the  Indians.  Governor  Kieft,  fuming  in  im- 
potent fury,  promptly  offered  a  bounty  of  ten  fathoms  of  wampum  for  every 
Raritan  scalp  brought  in,  and  twenty  fathoms  more  for  the  head  of  every 
Indian  engaged  in  the  Staten  Island  troubles.  He  built  also  a  small  fort 
near  the  present  Fort  Wadsworth.  Matters  then  lapsed  into  a  state  of 
inactivity,  but  the  Dutch  complained  that  the  Indians  grew  daily  more  and 
more  insolent. 

About  this  time  the  Hackensack  Indians,  stirred  up  by  Miantenimo, 
Sachem  of  Sloops  of  Narragansett  Bay,  1  killed  an  Englishman,  and  a  few 
days  later  shot  a  Dutchman  in  Myndert  Meyndertz's  colony  near  Newark 
Bay,  where  the  Hollander  had  settled  contrary  to  the  wishes  of  the  Indians. 
Director  Kieft  demanded  the  murderers  from  the  head  men  who  were,  how- 
ever, unable  to  produce  them,  for  the  guilty  wretches  had  fled  elsewhere. 
To  show  their  good  will,  the  Sachems  offered  to  indemnify  the  relatives  of 
the  dead  men  by  liberal  presents  of  wampum;  but  Kieft  desired  blood 
vengeance.  De  Vries,  who  was  an  able  and  humane  man,  pleaded  in 
behalf  of  the  Indians,  but  the  Director  was  inexorable. 

As  there  appeared  to  be  no  immediate  way  for  the  genial  Director  to 
satiate  his  desire  lor  revenge,  he  was  obliged  to  bide  his  time.  It  came  only 
too  soon.  The  Mahicans  residing  below  Fort  Orange  (not  the  Mohawks, 
as  Fiske  and  so  many  others  have  supposed)  suddenly  fell  upon  the  Indians 
dwelling  about  the  month  of  the  Hudson.  The  terrified  unfortunates  fled 
through  the  deep  snow  to  the  Dutch  stronghold  at  Manhattan.  As  they 
had  succored  the  Whites  in  times  gone  by,  they  expected  the  Whites  to 
succor  them. 

Apparently  the  Dutch  received  them  well,  at  first.  For  about  two 
weeks  the  fugitives  were  cared  for  and  then  they  returned  to  their  homes; 
but  scarcely  had  the  Indians  done  SO,  when  another  raid  was  made  upon 
them  and,  rememberng  their  former  kind  treatment,  they  fled  once  more 
to  New  Amsterdam.  The  fugitives,  mainly  Hackensacks,  formed  two 
divisions,  one  of  which  camped  at  Pavonia,  while  the  other  crossed  over  to 
Manhattan  Island  and  occupied  the  fields  at  Corlear's  I  look  on  East  River, 
near  the  present  Grand  Street  Ferry. 

Some  of  the  "twelve  men"  in  Kieft's  Cabinet  were  now  inspired  with  a 
truly  magnificent  scheme  for  vengeance.  They  went  to  the  Director  and 
requested  him  to  grant  them  permission  to  attack  the  Hackensacks  at 
night  while  they  rested  unsuspectingly  under  his  protection.  Kieft  desired 
them  to  put  their  request  on  paper.  When  this  was  done,  he  granted  their 
request,  despite  the  passionate  protests  of  De  Vries. 


1  O'Callaghan,  Vol.  I,  p.  183. 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Staten  Island. 


35 


At  midnight,  February  25th,  1643,  Sergeant  Rodolf  suddenly  appeared 
with  a  band  of  soldiers  amid  the  lodges  at  Pavonia.  The  flashes  and  reports 
of  guns,  the  yelping  of  warriors,  the  shrieks  of  women  and  children,  and  the 
glare  of  burning  lodges  made  an  Inferno  of  the  spot.  Meanwhile  one  Adrien- 
sen  attacked  the  hapless  wretches  at  Corlear's  Hook.  The  warriors  were 
ill-armed  and  unprepared.  The  annals  of  this  night  are  bloody  beyond 
description.  No  band  of  Indians  ever  perpetrated  more  ferocious  atrocities 
upon  their  enemies  than  these  "civilized"  Dutchmen.  It  would  be  sickening 
to  repeat  here  the  diabolical  tortures  inflicted  upon  women,  children  and 
wounded  who  fell  into  their  hands.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  eighty  Indians 
were  murdered  at  Pavonia,  forty  more  at  Corlear's  Hook,  and  many  prisoners 
were  taken.  The  Indians  unfortunately  succeeded  in  killing  but  few  of 
their  assailants.  It  is  related  that  a  man  and  woman  who  came  to  Pavonia 
in  order  to  plunder  the  dead  next  morning,  were  shot  by  the  survivors.1 

Now,  indeed,  the  Indians  were  aroused.  On  every  hand,  tribes  took 
the  warpath  against  the  Dutch,  the  Raritans  and  Hackensacks  having 
prominent  parts.  The  farms  on  Pavonia  and  Long  Island  were  almost 
entirely  destroyed.  An  old  chronicle  says,  " Staten  Island,  where  Cornelius 
Melyn  settled,  [1643]  is  unattacked  as  yet,  but  stands  hourly  expecting  an 
assault." 2 

In  1644,  Joachim  Pietersen  Kuyter  with  forty  burghers,  thirty-five 
Englishmen  under  Lieutenant  Baxter,  and  several  soldiers  from  the  Fort, 
under  Sergeant  Pieter  Cock,  all  under  the  command  of  Councillor  La 
Montagne,  attempted  an  expedition  against  the  Staten  Island  Indians. 
The  little  army  embarked  after  nightfall,  and  landed  on  the  Island  at  a  late 
hour.  As  day  dawned,  they  emerged  upon  a  clearing  in  which  were  huddled 
the  thatched  lodges  of  the  Indians ;  but,  in  some  mysterious  way,  knowledge 
of  the  approaching  foe  had  preceded  them,  and  the  place  was  deserted. 
The  troops  burned  the  village  and  withdrew,  taking  with  them  about  five 
or  six  hundred  skepels  of  corn,  a  skepel  equalling  about  three  pecks.  The 
war  was  finally  ended  by  the  destruction  of  about  seven  hundred  Indians 
at  or  near  Greenwich,  Conn.,  by  a  force  under  Capt.  John  Underhill,  an 
Englishman  of  Pequot  war  fame.  Thus,  a  wilderness  having  been  made, 
it  was  called  peace. 

In  early  September,  1655,  a  Dutchman  named  Henry  Van  Dyck,  ex- 
Schout-fiscal  of  New  Netherland,  who  lived  on  the  west  side  of  Broadway, 
not  far  above  Bowling  Green,  shot  and  killed  an  Indian  woman  who  was 
helping  herself  to  peaches.    No  notice  of  this  murder  was  taken  by  the 


1  O'Callaghan,  Vol.  I,  p.  184. 

2  O'Callaghan,  Vol.  I,  p.  190. 


36 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.    [Vol.  Ill, 


white  authorities,  and  the  Indians  decided  to  take  the  matter  into  their  own 
hands.  On  the  loth  of  September,  early  in  the  morning,  nearly  two  thousand 
warriors  from  Hackensack,  Tappan  and  Stamford  suddenly  appeared  on 
the  streets  of  New  Amsterdam.  Consternation  seized  the  Whites;  but  the 
Indians  at  first  committed  no  personal  violence,  although  they  burst  into 
various  houses  on  a  pretended  search  for  their  hereditary  enemies,  the 
Mohawks,  and  destroyed  a  great  deal  of  property. 

The  City  Fathers  managed  to  persuade  some  of  the  head  men  to  enter 
the  Fort  where  they  tried  to  treat  with  them.  At  last,  it  was  arranged  that 
the  Indians  should  leave  the  city,  and  forthwith  they  withdrew  to  Governor's 
Island;  but  they  returned  with  the  nightfall.  A  party  of  warriors  appeared 
before  Van  Dyck's  door,  and,  when  he  appeared,  he  was  shot  through  the 
heart  with  an  arrow.  A  neighbor,  Paulus  Linderstien  Van  der  Grist,  was 
tomahawked  on  coming  to  his  aid.  The  swift  arrival  of  white  men,  armed 
with  guns,  forced  the  Indians  to  withdraw  to  the  mainland,  where  they  fell 
upon  and  destroyed  Hoboken,  Pavonia,  and  finally  Van  der  Capellen's 
settlement  on  Staten  Island.  In  the  short  space  of  three  days,  one  hundred 
people  were  killed,  one  hundred  and  fifty  taken  prisoners,  and  vast  quantities 
of  livestock,  property  and  grain  were  destroyed. 

This  loss  fell  heavily  on  Staten  Island,  where,  according  to  Van  der 
Capellen,  fifteen  people  were  killed  and  twelve  hundred  skepels  of  grain 
destroyed,  to  say  nothing  of  cattle  and  personal  property  lost.  Governor 
Stuyvesant  succeeded  in  ransoming  most  of  the  prisoners  and  after  a  time 
the  country  was  secure  again.  This  outbreak,  generally  known  as  the 
"Peach  War,"  was  the  last  notable  Struggle  in  which  the  Staten  Island 
Indians  took  part. 

In  l()7o  Governor  Lovelace  in  behalf  of  the  English  government  bought 
the  Island  for  the  last  time  from  the  Indians.  The  original  deed  is  in 
existence.  [ts  preamble  states  that  it  was  made  between  "  Francis  Lovelace, 
Governor  General  under  .lames,  Duke  of  York  and  Albany,  and  the  Indians 
Aquepo,  Warrines,  Minqua,  Sachemack,  Permantowes,  Qurvequeen, 
YYewareca,  Oneck  and  Mataris,  on  behalf  of  theirselvcs,  as  the  true  owners 
and  lawful  Indians,  proprietors  of  Staten  Island."  1  Conveyance  was 
executed  by  the  affixing  of  the  hands  and  seals  of  all  parties  and  attesting 
witnesses. 

The  Indians  had  the  privilege  of  remaining  on  the  Island  until  the  follow- 
ing May,  when  they  were  to  surrender  it  to  such  persons  as  the  Governor 
saw  fit  to  receive  it. 

On  the  first  of  May,  Thomas  Lovelace  and  Matthias  Xicoll  paid  to  the 


'  H.  M.  Bayles,  History  of  Richmond  County,  p.  78. 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Staten  Island. 


37 


Indians:  —  400  fathoms  of  Wampum;  a  Firkin  of  Powder;  30  Match 
boats;  60  Bars  of  Lead;  30  Flints;  30  Axes;  30  Kettles;  30  Hoes;  20 
Guns;  50  Knives. 

It  was  further  covenanted  that  the  Sachems  or  their  deputies  should 
appear  once  a  year  to  ratify  this  sale.  As  several  young  Indians  were  not 
present  at  the  sale,  the  deed  was  shown  to  them  for  their  approval,  and  they 
witnessed  it.  Their  names,  according  to  the  ancient  orthography  are 
Pewowahone,  a  boy  about  five  years  old;  Pokoques,  a  girl  about  eight  years 
old;  Shirjuirneho,  a  girl  about  twelve  years  old;  Kanarekante,  a  girl  about 
twelve  years  old;  Mahquadus,  a  young  man  about  fifteen  years  old;  and 
Ashehanewes,  a  young  man  about  twenty  years  old. 

After  this  sale,  most  of  the  Staten  Island  Indians  withdrew  to  the  main- 
land, and  encamped,  according  to  local  tradition,  about  South  River,  a 
branch  of  the  Raritan.  It  is  said,  while  perfectly  friendly  with  their  kindred 
who  had  always  lived  there,  they  never  encamped  with  them;  but  always 
pitched  their  lodges,  though  not  far  distant,  on  the  other  side  of  the  river 
from  the  Raritans  proper.  This  may,  perhaps,  have  been  on  account  of 
some  clan  custom.  As  the  years  passed,  they  with  their  neighbors  withdrew 
to  the  Kittatinny  Mountains,  later  joining  the  Stockbridges  in  New  York. 
Thence  they  removed  to  Green  Bay,  Wisconsin,  where  perhaps  some  sur- 
vivors may  still  be  found  among  the  Oneida  and  Stockbridge. 

A  few  Indians  lived  on  the  Island  for  many  years  after  the  departure  of  the 
main  body.  The  best  known  of  these  people  were  an  old  couple  called  Sam 
and  Hannah,  and  their  daughter  Nance.  They  lived  on  the  Seaman  farm 
at  Fresh  Kill  Road,  and  gained  a  precarious  existence  by  basket-making, 
drinking  up  most  of  their  earnings.  Hannah  disappeared  one  day,  and  it 
was  usually  supposed  that  she  was  killed  during  a  drunken  brawl  with  her 
husband.  When  the  old  man  died,  the  daughter  vanished  and  is  generally 
thought  to  have  left  the  Island. 

There  were  other  Indians  on  the  Island  who  survived  for  many  years, 
and  at  the  time  of  this  writing  we  are  credibly  informed  that  some  people  by 
the  name  of  Story,  living  near  Rossville,  or  Kreiseherville,  are  at  least  one- 
quarter  part  Indian  blood.  The  story  runs  that  an  old  Indian  named 
Captain  Jack  had  seven  daughters  all  of  whom  married  white  men,  and 
that  these  people  are  the  descendants  of  his  daughters.  At  Bogardus 
Corners,  several  negroes  now  living  (1907)  claim  to  have  Indian  blood. 
Homer  H.  Harris  is  said  to  be  the  son  of  a  half-Indian  father  and  a  mulatto 
woman.  The  last  nearly-full  blood,  and  old  man,  died  in  1906.  He  lived 
near  Gifford's  on  the  shore  and  wore  long  hair.  Wooden  mortars  and 
pestles  were  used  to  grind  corn,  up  to  within  ten  years  of  the  present  writing, 
by  negroes  at  Bogardus  Corners. 


38 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.    [Vol.  Ill, 


Before  closing  this  historical  summary,  the  writer  would  like  to  insert 
part  of  a  deed  of  Staten  Island  to  Michael  Pauw  (August,  1630)  for,  although 
chronologically  out  of  place,  it  is  of  interest  as  preserving  several  more  of  the 
old  Staten  Island  Indian  names:  — 

"We  the  Director  and  Council  of  New  Netherland  residing  on  the  Island  of 
Manhatas  under  the  jurisdiction  of  their  High  Mightinesses  the  Lords  States  General 
of  the  United  Netherlands  and  the  General  Incorporated  West  India  Company  at 
their  Chambers  at  Amsterdam  Witness  and  declare  by  these  presents  that  on  this 
day  the  date  underwritten  came  and  appeared  before  us  in  their  own  proper  persons 
Krahorat,  Tamckass,  Tolemakurmama,  Wieromies,  Lierarewach,  Lachweuoen, 
Wissepoack,  Laheinsios  (a  boy),  Inhabitants  owners  and  heirs  of  the  land  by  us  called 
Staten  Island  on  the  West  shore  of  Hamels  Hooftden  [hills]  and  declared  that  for 
and  in  consideration  of  certain  parcels  of  goods  which  respectively  before  passing 
of  these  presents  acknowledge  to  have  received  into  their  hands,  etc.  — 

Done  at  Fort  Amsterdam  aforesaid  on  this  10th  day  of  August,  1630."  1 

Evidently  the  Island  was  overrun  by  the  Mohawk  Iroquois  from  time  to 
time,  both  in  the  prehistoric  period  (as  shown  by  their  influence  on  local 
pottery,  etc.)  and  in  the  later  historic  times.  In  the  County  Clerk's  office 
at  Richmond,  there  is  recorded  in  Liber  B,  a  deed  dated  February  10th, 
1698-9,  in  which  we  find  reference  to  a  "Certain  Tract  or  Parcel!  of  Land 
Lying  and  being  at  Sagoddiochguisatt,  which  by  deed  of  gift  has  been  granted 
unto  the  said  John  Mangilson  by  t he  Maquase  Indians  in  the  year  1081-2 
the  said  Land  Running  from  the  marked  tree  whereon  ye  name  of  the  sd 
John  Mangilson  Stands  and  also  the  mark  of  the  Maquase  Indians  unto 
the  Creek  thai  Lyeth  Westward  the  line  of  the  sd  Land  Running  into  the 
woods  direct  North  upon  a  straight  Line,  Together  with  all  houses,  Barnes, 
Stables,  orchards,  fencings,  Feedings  "  2 

(  Cultural  Reconstruction. 

Since  a  resume  of  the  preceding  chapters  will  make  it  clear  that,  with  few 
exceptions,  the  objects  found  on  Staten  Island  belong  to  one  culture  and  that 
the  historical  data  enables  us  to  identify  the  known  inhabitants  as  a  part  of 
the  Lenape,  the  writer  feels  justified  in  attempting  a  partial  reconstruction 
of  the  aboriginal  culture  practised  by  the  Staten  Island  Indian.  To  be 
specific,  he  has  drawn  upon  two  sources  of  data:  first,  the  available  writings 
of  contemporary  Dutch  and  English;  second,  the  archaeology  of  the  island 
as  presented  in  local  collections,  both  private  and  public,  as  well  as  from 
personal  field  experience.    Naturally,  this  is  far  from  satisfactory;  but  by 

1  Manual  of  the  Corporation  of  the  City  of  New  York,  1869,  p.  880. 

2  Liber  B,  op.  eit.,  p.  322. 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Staten  Island. 


39 


combining  these  various  sources,  enough  has  been  obtained  to  give  a  fair 
exposition  of  several  aspects  of  their  culture. 

Personal  Appearance  and  Costume.  In  the  Journal  of  David  Pieterz 
De  Vries  (1665),  occurs  the  following  description  of  Algonkin  Indians  in  the 
vicinity  of  Fort  Amsterdam :  — 

"The  Indians  about  here  are  tolerably  stout,  have  black  hair,  with  a  long  lock, 
which  they  let  hang  on  one  side  of  the  head.  The  hair  is  shorn  at  the  top  like  a 
cock's  comb,*  *  *  *  Some  of  the  women  are  very  well  featured,  having  long 
countenances.  Their  hair  hangs  loose  from  their  head;  They  are  very  foul  and 
dirty."  1 

In  regard  to  shaving  the  head  and  roaching  the  hair,  Wickham  Cuffee, 
an  aged  Shinnecock  Indian,  still  living  in  1902  on  the  Shinnecock  Reserva- 
tion, Shinnecock  Hills,  Long  Island,  New  YoiL"  informed  the  writer  that, 
prior  to  the  advent  of  the  whites  with  their  metallic  tools,  the  hair  was  burned 
or  singed  off  the  head  by  means  of  hot  stones.  He  stated  that  hot  stones 
were  actually  rubbed  on  the  head  which  was  doubtless  a  lapse  of  memory 
or  an  error.  No  doubt  they  were  merely  used  to  singe  the  hair  and  not 
brought  into  absolute  contact  with  the  head.  Catlin  2  states  that  among 
Osage,  Pawnee,  Sac,  Fox  and  Ioway,  the  custom  of  head  shaving  occurred, 
and  among  no  others  that  he  knew  of.    On  the  following  page,  he  adds :  — 

* 

"  I  found  these  people  cutting  off  the  hair  with  small  scissors,  which  they  purchase 
of  the  Fur  Traders;  and  they  told  me  that  previous  to  getting  scissors,  they  cut  it 
away  with  their  knives;  and  before  they  got  knives,  they  were  in  the  habit  of  burn- 
ing it  off  with  red  hot  stones,  which  was  a  very  slow  and  painful  operation." 

On  the  22nd  of  September,  1676,  the  two  Labadist  preachers,  Dankers 
and  Sluyter,  after  a  voyage  of  nearly  four  months,  from  Amsterdam,  in  the 
good  ship  Charles,  met  at  the  Narrows  off  Staten  Island,  "some  Indians  upon 
the  beach  with  a  canoe,  and  others  coming  down  the  hill.  As  we  tacked 
about  we  came  close  to  the  shore,  and  called,  out  to  them  to  come  on  board 
the  ship.  The  Indians  came  on  board  and  we  looked  upon  them  with 
wonder.  They  are  dull  of  comprehension,  slow  of  speech,  bashful,  but 
otherwise  bold  of  person  and  red  of  skin.  They  wear  something  in  front  of 
them  over  the  thighs,  and  a  piece  of  duffels  like  a  blanket  around  the  body, 
and  that  is  all  the  clothing  they  have.  Their  hair  hangs  down  from  their 
head  in  strings,  well  smeared  with  fat,  and  sometimes  with  quantities  of 
little  beads  twisted  in  it  out  of  pride.  They  have  thick  lips  and  thick  noses, 
but  not  fallen  in  like  the  negroes,  heavy  eyebrows  or  eyelids,  brown  or  black 


1  De  Vries,  op.  cit.,  p.  154,  et  seq. 

2  North  American  Indians,  Vol.  II,  p.  23. 


40  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.*  Ill, 


eyes,  and  all  of  them  black  hair  and  thick  tongues.  After  they  had  obtained 
some  biscuit  and  had  amused  themselves  climbing  here  and  there,  they  also 
received  some  brandy  to  taste  which  they  drank  excessively,  and  threw  it 
up  again.  They  then  went  ashore  in  their  canoes,  and  we  having  a  better 
breeze  sailed  ahead  handsomely." 

In  the  "Remonstrance  of  New  Xetherland,  and  the  Occurrences  there. 
Addressed  to  the  High  and  Mighty  Lords  States  General  of  the  United 
Netherlands.  By  the  People  of  New  Xetherland,"1  we  find:  — - 

"The  natives  are  generally  well  limbed,  slender  around  the  waist,  broad  should- 
ered; all  having  black  hair  and  brown  eyes;  they  are  very  nimble  and  swift  of  pace, 
well  adapted  to  travel  on  foot  and  to  carry  heavy  burdens;  they  are  dirty  and 
slovenly  in  all  their  habits;  make  light  of  all  sorts  of  hardships,  being  by  nature  and 
from  youth  upward  accustomed  thereunto.  They  resemble  Brazilians  in  color, 
or  are  as  tawny  as  those  people  who  sometimes  ramble  through  Xetherland  and  are 
called  Gipsies.  Generally,  the  men  have  very  little  or  no  beard,  some  even  pluck  it 
out;  they  use  few  words,  which  they  previously  well  consider.  Naturally  they 
are  quite  modest,  without  guile  and  inexperienced,  but  in  their  way  haughty  enough, 
ready  and  rpiick  witted  to  comprehend  or  learn,  be  it  good  or  bad,  whatever  they  are 
most  inclined  to."  1 

In  the  same  paper,  it  is  stated  regarding  the  Indians  in  the  vicinity  of 
New  Amsterdam:  — 

V 

"The  clothing  as  well  of  men  as  of  women  consists  of  a  piece  of  duffels,  or  of 
deerskin  leather  or  elk  hide  around  the  body,  to  cover  their  nakedness.  Some  have 
a  bearskin  of  which  they  make  doublets;  others  again,  coats  of  the  skins  of  racoons, 
wild  cats,  wolves,  dogs,  fishers,  squirrels,  beavers,  and  the  like;  and  they  even  have 
made  themselves  some  of  turkey's  feathers;  now  they  make  use  for  the  most  part  of 
duffels  cloth  which  they  obtain  in  trade  from  the  Christians;  they  make  their  stock- 
ings and  shoes  of  deerskins  or  elk  hides,  some  even  have  shoes  of  corn  husks,  whereof 
they  also  make  sacks.*  *  *  *  *  They  twine  both  white  and  black  wampum  around 
their  heads;  formerly  they  were  not  wont  to  cover  these,  but  now  they  are  beginning 
to  wear  bonnets  or  caps,  which  they  purchase  from  the  Christians;  they  wear  Wam- 
pum in  the  ears,  around  the  neck,  and  around  the  waist,  and  thus  in  their  way  are 
mighty  fine.  They  have  also  long  deers-hair  which  is  dyed  red,  whereof  they  make 
ringlets  to  encircle  the  head;  and  other  fine  hair  of  the  same  color,  which  hangs 
around  the  neck  in  braids,  whereof  they  are  very  vain.  They  frequently  smear 
their  skin  and  hair  with  all  sorts  of  grease."  2 

In  De  Vries'  Journal  we  also  find  the  following:  — 

"I  will  state  something  of  the  nations  about  Fort  Amsterdam;  as  the  Hackin- 
sack,  Tapaense,  and  Wicquas-geckse  Indians;  and  these  are  embraced  within  one, 
two,  three,  or  four  miles  of  the  entrance  of  the  river.*  *  *  *  *    Their  clothing  is  a 


1  O'Callaghan,  op.  fit..  Vol.  I,  p.  281. 

2  O'Callaghan,  op.  cit .,  Vol.  I,  p.  281  el  seq. 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Staten  Island. 


41 


coat  of  beaver-skins,  over  the  body,  with  fur  inside  in  winter,  and  outside  in  summer;' 
they  have,  also,  sometimes  a  bear's  hide,  or  coat  of  the  skins  of  wild  cats,  or  hefspanen 
(raccoons).*  *  *  *  *  They  also  wear  coats  of  turkey's  feathers,  which  they  know 
how  to  put  together;  but  since  our  Netherland  Nation  has  traded  here,  they  trade 
their  beavers  for  duffels  cloth,  which  we  give  for  them,  and  which  they  find  more 
suitable  than  the  beavers,  as  they  consider  it  better  for  the  rain;  and  take  two 
and  a  half  length  of  duffels,  which  is  nine  and  a  half  quarters  wide."  1 

Children  were  carried  upon  the  back,  and  held  secure  by  a  piece  of 
duffels  or  skin. 

In  Arnoldus  Montanus'  "Description  of  New  Netherland"  (1671), 
the  following  occurs:  — 

"The  women  ornament  themselves  more  than  the  men.  And  although  the  win- 
ters are  very  severe,  they  go  naked  until  their  thirteenth  year;  the  lower  parts  of 
the  girls'  bodies  only  are  covered.  All  wear  around  the  waist  a  girdle  made  of  the 
fin  of  a  whale  or  of  seawant.  The  men  wear  between  the  legs  a  lap  of  duffels  cloth, 
or  leather,  half  an  ell  broad  and  nine  quarters  long;  so  that  a  square  piece  hangs 
over  the  buttocks  and  in  front  over  the  belly.  The  women  wear  a  petticoat  midway 
down  the  leg,  very  richly  ornamented  with  seawant,  so  that  the  garment  sometimes 
costs  three  hundred  guilders.  They  also  wrap  the  naked  body  in  a  deer  skin,  the 
tips  (edges)  of  which  swing  with  points  (fringe).  A  long  robe  fastened  at  the  right 
shoulder  by  a  knot,  at  the  waist  by  a  girdle,  serves  the  men  and  women  for  an  upper 
ornament,  and  by  night  for  a  bed  cover.  Both  go,  for  the  most  part  bare  headed. 
The  women  bind  their  hair  behind  in  a  plait,  over  which  they  draw  a  square  cap, 
thickly  interwoven  with  seawant.  They  decorate  the  ornaments  for  the  forehead 
with  the  same  stuff.  Around  the  neck  and  arms  they  wear  bracelets  of  seawant, 
and  some  around  the  waist.  Shoes  (moccasins)  and  stockings  (leggings)  were  made 
of  Elk  hides  before  the  Hollanders  settled  here.  Others  even  made  shoes  of  straw, 
but  since  some  time  they  prefer  Dutch  shoes  and  stockings."  2 

In  the  grave  of  a  child,  opened  for  the  Museum  at  "Burial  Ridge," 
Tottenville,  Mr.  George  H.  Pepper  found  about  the  neck  many  olivella 
shells  in  which  a  perforation  had  been  worn  by  rubbing  (Plate  xi).  In  the 
Plate  are  represented  a  number  of  these  shells  imbedded  as  found.  A 
single  tiny  discoid  bead  occurs  with  the  rest.  The  double-holed  stone 
gorget  (Fig.  1,  Plate  Vin),  occasionally  found  on  Staten  Island,  is  still 
used  by  the  Lenape  Indians  of  Munceytown,  Ontario,  Canada,  as  a  hair 
ornament,  and  is  bound  on  the  hair.  One  of  these  is  shown  in  Fig.  2,  Plate 
vin.  It  was  called  by  them  "Lita-pum-bla-wan."  They  claim  also  to 
have  used  similar  "gorgets"  of  bone  and  wood  in  the  old  days.  Fig.  6, 
Plate  vin,  shows  what  appears  to  be  one  of  these  objects  in  the  process  of 
manufacture. 


1  De  Vries,  op.  cit.,  p.  154,  et  seq. 

2  O'Callaghan,  op.  cit. 


42 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.    [Vol.  Ill, 


The  single  holed  gorget  or  pendant  (Figs.  3  and  4,  Plate  vm),  apparently- 
worn  suspended  as  a  neck  ornament,  also  occurs.  Both  specimens  here 
illustrated  come  from  Tottenville.  Fig.  5  shows  an  irregularly  shaped 
fragment  of  mica,  in  which  a  perforation,  evidently  for  suspension,  has  been 
started. 

Wampum  was  undoubtedly  used  for  ornament  and  as  a  medium  of 
exchange,  but  none  has  ever  been  found.  On  most  sites  occur  those  inner 
columns  of  the  conch  (Plate  xi),  called  locally  "wampum  sticks,"  from 
which  the  outer  whorls  have  been  broken  away  in  the  process  the  next  steps 
of  which  were  polishing,  cutting  off  disk-like  sections  and  perforating  to 
make  the  finished  wampum.  Ninety-five  were  found  in  a  grave  at  Burial 
Ridge,  Tottenville.  A  single  wampum  or  discoid  bead  was  found  with 
perforated  olivella  shells  near  the  neck  of  a  child's  skeleton  at  Tottenville, 
by  Mr.  George  H.  Pepper. 

"Their  pride  is  to  paint  their  faces  strangely  with  red  or  black  lead,"  *  *  *  *  * 
The  women  "sometimes  paint  their  faces,  and  draw  a  black  ring  around  their  eyes."  1 

"Their  ornaments  consist  of  scoring  their  bodies,  or  painting  them  of  various 
colors,  .sometimes  entirely  black,  if  they  are  in  mourning;  but  mostly  the  face."  2 

Fragments  of  limonite  and  red  ochre  showing  marks  of  scrapers,  etc., 
and  which  were  probably  used  to  obtain  pigment,  are  sometimes  found  on 
Staten  Island. 

Vegetable  Resources.  Practically  all  traces  of  primitive  agriculture  on 
Staten  Island  have  vanished.  An  occasional  rude  stone  hoe,  usually  well 
polished  from  continual  use  is  found.  Two  varieties  of  these  occur,  neither 
one  at  all  common.  Two  (Figs.  14  and  15,  Plate  v),  from  Kreischerville 
and  Tottenville  respectively,  represent  the  notched  type,  and  one  (Fig.  16, 
Plate  v)  illustrates  the  plain  unnotched  form.  These  are  mentioned  by 
Dankers  and  Sluyter. 

The  long  stone  pestle  (shown  in  Fig.  18,  Plate  V,  from  Arrochar)  is  not 
uncommon,  owing  to  the  fact  that  the  wooden  pestle  may  have  taken  its 
place,  although  this  type  was  undoubtedly  less  common  here  than  among 
the  not  far  distant  Iroquois.  The  long  stone  pestle  seems  to  be  a  peculiarly 
Algonkin  form  in  the  east.  The  stone  pestle  was  invariably  used  in  a 
wooden  block  or  mortar.  Dankers  and  Sluyter  say  (again  of  the  Canarsie 
of  Fort  Hamilton),  "Their  bread  is  maize  pounded  in  a  block  by  a  stone, 
but  not  fine.  This  is  mixed  with  water  and  made  into  a  cake  which  they 
bake  in  the  hot  ashes." 

De  Vries  remarks',  "They  pound  it  [maize]  in  a  hollow  tree";  doubtless 
referring  to  the  tree  trunk  mortar.    He  also  adds:  — 

1  De  Vries,  Journal,  p.  155. 

2  O'Callaghan,  op.  cit.,  Vol.  I,  p.  281. 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Staten  Island. 


43 


"  When  they  travel  they  take  a  flat  stone,  and  press  [grind]  it  [maize]  with  another 
stone  placed  upon  the  first,  and  when  it  is  pressed,  [ground]  they  have  little  baskets, 
which  they  call  notassen,  which  are  made  of  a  kind  of  hemp,  the  same  as  fig-frails, — 
which  they  make  to  serve  them  as  sieves,  [as  do  the  Delaware  and  Iroquois  of  to-day] 
and  thus  make  their  meal.  They  make  flat  cakes  of  the  meal  mixed  with  water, 
as  large  as  a  farthing  cake  in  this  country,  [Holland],  and  bake  them  in  the  ashes, 
first  wrapping  a  vine-leaf  or  maize-leaf  around  them.  When  they  are  sufficiently 
baked  in  the  ashes  they  make  good  palatable  bread.  The  Indians  make  use  of 
French  [doubtless  aboriginal]  beans  of  different  colors,  which  they  plant  among  their 
maize.  When  the  maize  (which  is  some  three  or  four  feet  apart,  in  order  to  have 
room  to  weed  it  thoroughly)  is  grown  one,  two,  or  three  feet  high,  they  stick  the 
beans  in  the  ground  alongside  of  the  maize  stalks,  which  serve  instead  of  poles  which 
we  use  in  the  Fatherland,  for  beans  to  grow  on."  1 

Two  types  of  stone  mortars  occur.  One  is  a  large  thin  slab  of  stone, 
generally  with  a  depression  or  hole  on  each  side  showing  the  action  of  con- 
siderable friction.  The  other  type  is  larger,  and  usually  has  but  a  single 
cup  or  depression.  Obviously  these  are  far  too  heavy  to  be  used  for  trans- 
portation. They  seem  never  to  occur  except  upon  the  larger  sites,  and  not  at 
a  distance  from  them  as  De  Vries'  statement  would  lead  one  to  believe. 
Pebbles,  showing  much  use  as  grinding  or  crushing  tools  or  mullers  (Figs. 
5  and  6,  Plate  v)  are  not  infrequent. 

Certainly  tobacco  must  have  been  raised,  or  some  substitute  used, 
judging  from  the  number  of  pipes  and  fragments  found.  Nuts  (which  were 
sometimes  dried  and  preserved),  ground  nuts,  pumpkins,  watermelons, 
melons  and  wild  grapes  are  mentioned  by  De  Vries.  He  also  mentions 
wild  hemp. 

"The  Indians  use  a  kind  of  hemp,  which  they  understand  making  up,  much 
stronger  than  ours  is,  and  for  every  necessary  purpose,  such  as  notassen  (which  are 
their  sacks  and  in  which  they  carry  everything) ;  they  also  make  linen  of  it.  They 
gather  their  maize  and  French  beans  the  last  of  September  and  October,  and  when 
they  have  shelled  the  corn,  they  bury  it  in  holes  which  they  have  previously  covered 
(lined)  with  mats,  and  so  keep  as  much  as  they  want  in  the  winter  while  hunting. 
They  sow  the  maize  in  April  or  May."  2 

Charred  corn  (kernels  and  cobs)  and  charred  beans  and  hickory  nuts 
have  been  found  in  shell  pits  at  the  village  site  at  Bowman's  Brook,  Mariners' 
Harbor.  In  early  records,  mention  is  made  of  large  quantities  of  corn 
destroyed  at  Staten  Island  Lenape  towrns  by  the  Dutch  soldiery. 

Hunting.  Hunting  and  fishing,  probably  more  than  agriculture,  were 
the  mainstays  of  the  Hackensack  and  Raritan.  At  the  present  day,  stone 
arrow  points  are  to  be  found  in  considerable  numbers  on  the  various  sites, 


1  De  Vries,  Journal,  p.  156,  et  seq. 

2  De  Vries,  Journal,  p.  158. 


44 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.    [Vol.  Ill, 


and  may  occasionally  be  picked  up  anywhere.  They  vary  greatly  in  form 
and  size  (Plate  xn).  Needless  to  say  the  notched  and  stemmed  varieties 
are  by  far  the  most  abundant.  The  triangular  points  were  possibly  used 
entirely  for  warfare  in  this  region,  though  elsewhere  this  was  certainly  not 
the  case,  as  among  the  Iroquois  who  used  no  other  form  but  the  triangle. 
Points  of  antler  and  bone  (Figs.  7  to  10,  Plate  x)  may  have  been  used  for 
hunting;  but  so  far  the  only  ones  on  record  have  come  from  Burial  Ridge, 
Tottenville,  associated  with  the  triangular  stone  type  in  and  among  the  bones 
of  skeletons. 

Old  records  go  to  show  that  the  long  bow  was  used.  De  Vries  describes 
their  methods  of  hunting,  and  says  that,  in  companies  of  a  hundred  or  more, 
they  would  range  the  woods  driving  the  deer  and  game  before  them.  The 
Indians  would  proceed  about  one  hundred  paces  apart,  and,  holding  a 
"flat  thigh  bone"  in  one  hand,  beat  upon  it  with  a  stick  and  thus  drive  the 
game  into  the  river.  As  the  hunters  approached  the  river,  they  would 
draw  closer  together  so  that  any  animal  between  two  of  them  was  at  the 
mercy  of  their  bows  and  arrows  or  had  to  take  to  the  water.  Any  creature 
so  unfortunate  as  to  have  to  swim  was  captured  by  Indians  w  ho  lay  in  wait 
in  canoes,  "with  snares  which  thev  throw  around  their  necks,  and  drag  them 
to  them,  and  force  the  deer  down  with  the  rump  upwards,  by  which  they 
cannot  draw  breath."  1 

Very  probably  the  black  bear  was  treated  with  veneration  as  among 
many  Algonkin  peoples.  Certainly  this  animal  must  have  been  slain  in 
quantities  on  Staten  Island  by  the  Indians,  as  they  were  killed  at  a  later  date 
by  the  whites;  but  equally  certainly  no  bear's  teeth  or  bones  appear  ever  to 
have  been  found  on  any  of  the  sites.  The  modern  Cree  of  the  Southern 
Hudson's  Hay  region  always  destroy  the  bones  of  the  black  bear  for  fear  the 
dogs  will  get  them  and  thus  offend  the  spirit  of  the  dead  bear,  and  so  injure 
future  hunts. 

Fishing.  Large  quantities  of  irregular,  natural  pebbles,  notched  usually 
once  on  two  opposite  sides  (Figs.  10  and  11,  Plate  v,  from  Tottenville), 
have  been  found  on  Staten  Island,  particularly  on  the  plowed  fields  and 
shell  heaps  of  Tottenville  in  the  vicinity  of  Burial  Ridge,  where  they  may 
yet  be  found  in  great  numbers.  In  this  and  some  neighboring  localities, 
they  are  actually  more  abundant  than  stone  arrow  points.  This  is  not  true, 
however,  of  the  North  Shore  sites.  Some  of  these  net  sinkers  show  a  primary 
or  secondary  usage  as  pitted  haminerstones. 

Another  type,  not  uncommon,  but  by  no  means  so  abundant,  is  the 
grooved  sinker.    Sinkers  are  usually  made  of  pebbles  of  a  more  round  and 


1  De  Vries,  Journal,  p.  159. 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Staten  Island. 


45 


choice  shape,  and  in  some  instances  considerable  pains  has  been  taken  in 
their  manufacture  (Figs.  8  and  9,  Plate  v,  from  Tottenville  and  Mariners' 
Harbor  respectively).  These  have  been  found  associated  with  the  ordinary 
notched  variety  in  some  numbers  at  Tottenville  as  though  they  had  been 
attached  to  a  net  which  was  subsequently  cast  aside.  Some  show  battering 
on  the  edges  and  may  have  been  used  as  mauls  or  hammers  instead  of  sinkers. 
Fig.  7,  Plate  v,  from  Tottenville,  shows  a  fragment  split  from  the  side  of  a 
grooved  axe  which  seems  to  have  had  a  secondary  use  as  a  net  sinker. 
De  Vries,  in  his  Journal,  states:  — 

"  Striped  bass  are  caught  in  large  quantities  and  dried  by  the  Indians, —  for  at 
this  time  the  squaws  are  engaged  in  sowing  the  maize,  and  cultivating  the  land,  and 
the  men  go  a-fishing  in  order  to  assist  their  wives  a  little  by  their  draughts  of  fish. 
Sometimes  they  catch  them  with  seines  from  seventy  to  eighty  fathoms  in  length, 
which  they  braid  themselves,  and  on  which,  in  place  of  lead,  they  hang  stones,  and 
instead  of  corks  which  we  put  on  to  float  them,  they  fasten  small  sticks  of  an  ell  in 
length,  round  and  sharp  at  the  end.  Over  the  purse,  they  have  a  figure  made 
of  wood,  resembling  the  devil,  and  when  the  fish  swim  into  the  net  and  come  to  the 
purse,  so  that  the  figure  begins  to  move,  they  then  begin  to  cry  out  and  call  upon 
the  mannetoe,  that  is,  the  devil,  to  give  them  many  fish.  They  catch  great  quanti- 
ties of  this  fish ;  which  they  also  catch  in  little  set  nets,  six  or  seven  fathoms  long, 
braided  like  a  herring  net.  They  set  them  on  sticks  in  the  river,  one  and  one- 
half  fathoms  deep."  1 

No  bone  fish  hooks  have  been  found,  on  the  Island,  and  the  long  narrow 
notched  arrow  points  so  generally  called  "fish  spears"  and  "fish  points" 
seem  to  be  about  the  most  useless  type  of  all  for  this  purpose.  A  broad 
barbed  point  would  hold  the  fish  much  more  securely.  Bone  harpoons 
have  not  yet  been  reported,  but  two  or  three  jagged  barbed  "stings"  or 
"spines"  from  the  sting  ray  (Figs.  20  and  21,  Plate  x),  found  in  a  shell  pit 
at  Bowman's  Brook  site,  Mariners'  Harbor,  may  have  had  such  a  use. 

Shell  fish  in  vast  quantities  were  taken,  as  attested  by  the  great  heaps  of 
shells  at  Tottenville  and  elsewhere,  and  the  numerous  shell  pits  on  sites  all 
over  the  Island.  We  have  no  records  as  to  how  they  were  taken,  but  doubt- 
less they  could  easily  be  obtained  at  low  fide  almost  anywhere  along  the 
shore.  There  is  considerable  historic  and  archseologic  evidence  that  great 
quantities  were  dried  for  future  use  as  well  as  those  eaten  on  the  spot. 

Food  Materials.  The  following  is  an  incomplete  list  of  the  food  materials 
that  have  thus  far  been  noted  during  our  investigations.  Thanks  are  due 
Mr.  Wm.  T.  Davis  for  assistance  in  identification.  Almost  all  the  mammals, 
birds,  shell-fish,  vegetables,  etc.,  have  been  identified  from  specimens  ob- 
tained at  the  sites  at  Bowman's  Brook,  Old  Place,  and  other  north  shore 


1  De  Vries,  op.  cit.,  p.  162. 


46 


Anthropological  Papers  Ainerican  Museum  of  Natural  History.    [Vol.  Ill, 


Hackensack  sites.  There  are  probably  plenty  of  similar  remains  at  Totten- 
ville  and  the  south  shore. 

Mammals:  Virginia  deer  (Odocoileus  americanus),  very  abundant; 
Raccoon  (Procyon  lotor),  not  common;  Wild  Cat  (Lynx  ruff  us),  common 
locally;  Muskrat  (Fiber  zibethicus),  fairly  common;  Beaver  (Castor  cana- 
densis), frequent;  Rabbit  (Lepus  fioridanus),  common;  Domestic  dog 
(Cam's  vulgaris),  common;  Timber  wolf  (Canis  occidentalis),  common; 
Red  (?)  fox  (Vulpes  fulrus — ?),  common  locally. 

Birds:  Wild  turkey  {Melcagris  gallopavo  silrestris),.  abundant;  and 
others  which  arc  unidentified. 

Reptiles,  Fishes  and  Crustaceans:  Box  Tortoise  (Terrapene  Carolina), 
common;  Diamond-back  Terrapin  (Malaclemmys  centrata),  common; 
Snapping  Tortoise  (Chelydra  serpentina),  common;  Sting-ray  (Dasyatis, 
sp.  ?),  rare;  Sturgeon  (Acipenser,  sp.  ?),  common  locally;  Common  lobster 
(Ilomarus  americanus),  rare;  Blue  crab  (Callinectes  sapidus),  rare;  there 
are  also  bones  of  other  fishes  and  reptiles  in  abundance  which  are  unidenti- 
fied. 

Shell-fish:  Oyster  {Ostrea  rirginica),  very  abundant  everywhere;  Pear 
conch  (Fulgur  carica  and  F.  caned iculata),  very  abundant  everywhere; 
Hard  clam  (Venus  mercenaria),  common  locally;  Soft  clam  (Mya  arenaria), 
common  locally;  Scallop  (Pecten  irradians),  common  locally;  Mussel 
(Mytilus  edulis),  common  locally;  Xatica  (Polynices  hcros  and  P.  duplicata), 
common  locally. 

Sea  snails  and  "Fairy  boats"  are  not  common.  They  were  probably 
present  by  accident  only,  having  been  brought  in  with  clams  and  oysters, 
and  were  not  an  article  of  diet.  In  the  spring  of  1901,  while  excavating  in 
the  shell  pits  at  ( )ld  Place,  in  company  with  Mr.  Win.  T.  Davis,  we  had  the 
good  fortune  to  collect  a  gn  at  number  of  the  shells  of  land  snails  (Helix 
alternata  and  //.  thyroides);  but  at  the  time  we  doubted  their  use  as  food. 
More  recent  discoveries,  however,  have  proved  the  case.  While  exploring 
an  ancient  village  site  of  Shinnecock  Indians  at  the  Shinnecock  Hills,  Long 
Island,  in  the  summer  of  1902,  for  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  His- 
tory, we  discovered  a  large  deposit  of  the  shells  of  both  species  of  snails  under 
such  conditions  as  to  render  further  doubt  impossible. 

The  following  vegetables  and  seeds  have  been  found  in  prehistoric  fire 
pits  and  lodge  sites:  Indian  corn  (Zea  mays),  common  locally;  Hickory  nuts 
(Hicoria,  sp.?),  rare  locally.  The  Indian  corn  we  have  found  differs  in 
many  ways  from  the  modern  variety.  The  cobs  are  very  much  shorter  and 
more  pointed,  and  contain  fewer  and  larger  kernels. 

Habitations.  There  are  at  this  late  date  no  records  of  the  types  of 
habitations  used  by  the  Staten  Island  Lenape,  and  the  archaeological  remains 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Staten  Island. 


47 


now  to  be  found  prove  little  in  that  direction.  The  Shinnecock  Indians  of 
Long  Island,  now  practically  extinct,  who  were  similar  in  many  respects  to 
the  natives  of  the  area  now  under  discussion,  built  lodges  of  the  following 
type,  according  to  some  of  the  surviving  old  men  interviewed  by  the  writer 
in  1902  while  working  for  the  Museum  at  Shinnecock  Hills.  A  dome- 
shaped  framework  of  bent  boughs  with  cross  pieces  tied  on  at  intervals,  and 
averaging  perhaps  thirty  feet  in  circumference,  was  erected.  Openings 
were  left  at  the  top  for  a  smoke  hole  and  at  one  side  for  a  door.  Then  the 
framework  was  thatched  with  grass  from  the  salt  meadows.  Around  the 
interior  about  one  foot  from  the  ground  was  a  raised  bench  upon  which  the 
inhabitants  reclined  or  sat.  The  fire  was  built  in  the  interior  of  the  wigwam, 
or  "wickom,"  as  they  called  it.  Such  lodges  were  built  up  to  writhin  thirty 
or  thirty-five  years  ago  (1908). 

Another  type  of  lodge,  resembling  the  "Long  House"  of  the  Iroquois, 
is  described  by  Dankers  and  Sluyter  as  having  been  observed  by  them  (in 
September  or  October,  1676)  at  "Najack,"  now  Fort  Hamilton,  Long 
Island.  This  is  just  across  the  Narrows  of  New  York  Bay,  and  the  Indians 
here  mentioned  were  the  Canarsie,  who  like  the  Shinnecock  were  of  Mohegan, 
rather  than  Lenape,  origin,  yet  probably  very  closely  resembled  the  latter  in 
material  culture. 

"  We  soon  heard  a  noise  of  pounding  like  threshing,  and  went  to  the  place  whence 
it  preceded,  and  found  there  an  old  Indian  woman  busily  employed  beating  Turkish 
beans  out  of  the  pods  by  means  of  a  stick,  which  she  did  with  astonishing  force  and 
dexterity.  Gerrit  (their  guide)  inquired  of  her  in  the  Indian  language,  which  he 
spoke  perfectly  well,  how  old  she  was,  and  she  answered  eighty  years;  at  which  we 
were  still  more  astonished  that  so  old  a  woman  should  still  have  so  much  strength 
and  courage  to  work  as  she  did.  We  went  thence  to  her  habitation,  where  we  found 
the  whole  troop  together,  consisting  of  seven  or  eight  families,  and  twenty  or  twenty- 
two  persons.  Their  house  was  low  and  long,  about  sixty  feet  long  and  fourteen  or 
fifteen  feet  wide. 

"The  bottom  was  earth,  the  sides  and  roof  were  made  of  reed  and  bark  of  chest- 
nut trees  stuck  in  the  ground  and  all  fastened  together.  The  ridge  of  the  roof 
was  often  about  a  half  a  foot  wide  from  end  to  end,  in  order  to  let  the  smoke  escape, 
in  place  of  a  chimney.  On  the  sides  of  the  house  the  roof  was  so  low  that  you  could 
hardly  stand  under  it.  The  entrances  which  were  at  both  ends  were  so  small  that 
they  had  to  stoop  down  and  squeeze  themselves  to  get  through  them.  The  doors 
were  made  of  reed  or  flat  bark.  In  the  whole  building  there  was  no  iron,  stone,  lime 
or  lead. 

"They  build  their  fire  in  the  middle  of  the  floor,  according  to  the  number  of  the 
families,  so  that  from  one  end  to  the  other  each  boils  its  own  pot  and  eats  what  it 
likes,  not  only  the  families  by  themselves,  but  each  Indian  alone  when  he  is  hungry, 
at  all  hours,  morning,  noon  and  night.  By  each  fire  are  the  cooking  utensils,  con- 
sisting of  a  pot,  a  bowl  or  calabash  and  a  spoon,  also  made  of  calabash.  These  are 
all  that  relate  to  cooking.    They  lie  upon  mats,  with  their  feet  towards  the  fire  on 


48 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.    [Vol.  Ill, 


each  side  of  it.  They  do  not  sit  much  upon  anything  raised  up,  but,  for  the  most 
part,  sit  upon  the  ground  or  squat  on  their  ankles." 

Quoting  again  from  the  "Remonstrance":  — 

"Their  dwellings  are  constructed  of  hickory  poles  set  in  the  ground  and  bent 
bow  fashion,  like  arches,  and  then  covered  with  bark  which  they  peel  in  quantities 
for  that  purpose.  Some,  but  principally  the  chief's  houses,  have,  inside,  portraits 
and  pictures  somewhat  rudely  carved.  When  fishing  and  hunting,  they  lie  under 
the  blue  sky,  or  little  better.  They  do  not  remain  long  in  one  place,  but  remove 
several  times  a  year  and  repair,  according  to  the  season,  to  wherever  food  appears 
to  them,  before  hand,  best  and  easiest  to  be  obtained."  1 

In  De  Vries'  Journal,  it  is  stated  in  regard  to  the  sudatory  or  sweating 

lodges:  — 

"  When  they  wish  to  cleanse  themselves  of  their  foulness,  they  go  in  the  autumn, 
when  it  begins  to  grow  cold,  and  make,  away  off,  near  a  running  brook,  a  small 
oven,  large  enough  for  three  or  four  men  to  lie  in  it.  In  making  it  they  first  take  twigs 
of  trees,  and  then  cover  them  tight  with  clay,  so  that  smoke  cannot  escape.  This 
being  done,  they  take  a  parcel  of  stones,  which  they  heat  in  a  fire,  and  then  put  in 
the  oven,  and  when  they  think  that  it  is  sufficiently  hot,  they  take  the  stones  out 
again,  and  go  and  lie  in  it,  men  and  women,  boys  and  girls,  and  come  out  so  per- 
spiring that  every  hair  has  a  drop  of  sweat  on  it.  In  this  state  they  spring  into  the 
cold  water;  saying  that  it  is  healthy,  but  I  let  its  healthfulness  pass.  They  then 
become  entirely  clean,  and  are  more  attractive  than  before."  2 

Small  beds  of  cracked  stones  and  pebbles,  without  relics,  often  at  some 
distance  from  other  remains  are  not  infrequently  found.  The  broken 
appearance  of  the  stones  seems  to  indicate  that  they  were  first  heated  and 
then  were  plunged  into  cold  water,  or  that  water  was  thrown  upon  them. 
These  mav  be  the  remains  of  old  sweating  lodges. 

Transportation .  (  hving  to  the  fact  that  the  canoe  birch  does  not  range 
so  far  south,  the  birch  bark  canoe  was  unknown  to,  or  at  least  unused  by, 
the  Indians  of  Staten  Island.  Instead,  the  wooden  canoe  or  dug-out  took 
its  place.  Such  canoes  were  made  by  the  process  of  charring  and  cutting, 
fire  being  the  active  agent.  Canoes  of  elm  or  other  bark  may  perhaps  have 
been  made.  In  the  "Remonstrance  of  New  Xetherland"  occurs  this 
passage:  "They  themselves  construct  the  boats  they  use,  which  are  of  two 
sorts:  some,  of  entire  trees  excavated  with  fire,  axes  and  adzes;  the  Chris- 
tians call  these  Canoes;  others  again,  called  also  canoes,  are  made  of  bark, 
and  in  these  they  can  move  very  rapidly."  3  Dankers  and  Sluyter,  speaking 
of  the  Canarsie  of  Fort  Hamilton,  state  that  they  have  "for  fishing  a  canoe 


>  O'Callaghan,  op.  cit.,  Vol.  I,  p.  282. 

2  De  Vries,  op.  cit.,  p.  155. 

3  O'Callaghan,  op.  cit.,  Vol.  I,  p.  282. 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Staten  Island. 


49 


without  mast  or  sail,  and  not  a  nail  in  any  part  of  it,  though  it  is  sometimes 
fully  forty  feet  in  length,  fish  hooks  and  lines,  and  scoops  to  paddle  with 
instead  of  oars."  A  wooden  dug-out,  probably  of  Indian  make,  was 
found  in  the  mud  of  Hackensack  River  near  Haekensaek,  New  Jersey,  some 
years  ago,  and  is  now  the  property  of  Dr.  F.  G.  Speck  of  the  University  of 
Pennsylvania. 

Beauchamp,  in  his  "Aboriginal  Use  of  Wood  in  New  York,"  gives  a 
description  and  figure  of  a  wooden  dug-out  canoe.    He  says:  — 

"  In  what  is  considered  the  earliest  view  of  New  York  City  in  1635,  attributed  to 
Augustine  Hermann,  is  a  strange  form  of  the  dug-out  which  may  possibly  be  the 
artist's  fancy.  It  is  a  long  boat,  manned  by  five  men,  which  has  sloping  ends  rising 
far  above  the  sides.  From  the  highest  point  are  long  horizontal  projections,  termi- 
nating in  large  balls.  There  are  smaller  canoes  of  a  common  type.  Figure  27 
shows  this  form  from  an  engraving  of  1673,  precisely  like  the  former,  but  propelled  by 
women.  The  figure  is  entitled  Navis  ex  arboribus  trunco  igne  excavata.  No  early 
writer  has  described  this  in  New  York,  nor  does  it  at  first  seem  probable  that  the 
Indians  would  have  made  one  of  this  form.  Moulton  accepted  it,  and  suggested  a 
fair  explanation.  He  described  the  earlier  figure.  There  was  at  each  end,  he  said, 
'what  may  be  termed  a  bowsprit  finished  by  a  spherical  head  about  the  size  of  a 
man's.  These  bowsprits  or  handles  seem  an  ingenious  contrivance  for  lifting  the 
canoe  and  carrying  it  on  the  land,  by  two  men  hoisting  it  on  their  shoulders,  and 
thus  as  on  a  pole,  carrying  it  from  place  to  place  with  ease  and  expedition.'  Moulton, 
vii. 

"  If  it  were  light,  two  men  might  suffice,  but  for  a  heavier  one  four  men  might 
use  crossbars,  one  at  each  end,  and  the  balls  would  prevent  these  from  slipping. 
When  left  by  the  tide,  something  of  the  kind  might  have  proved  very  useful.  Pictures 
and  descriptions,  however,  usually  represent  a  heavy  and  clumsy  boat,  useful  but 
neither  handsome  nor  swift,  with  straight  sides  and  sloping  ends,  rather  a  trough 
than  anything  else."  1 

The  form  above  described  is  no  doubt  a  truly  aboriginal  type.  Mr. 
M.  R.  Harrington  found  dug-out  canoes  of  a  very  similar  form  among  the 
Muskhogean  Indians  of  the  Southeast,  and  the  ends  were  used  for  the  purpose 
suggested.  We  have  met  with  no  records  of  land  transportation.  Doubt- 
less pack  straps  and  baskets  of  a  type  similar  to  those  now  found  among 
the  surviving  Lenape  were  in  use. 

Mortuary  Customs.  Three  methods  of  burial  seem  to  have  been  com- 
mon among  the  Lenape  Indians  of  Staten  Island.  They  are:  (a)  flexed 
burials  without  objects,  (b)  flexed  burials  with  objects,  and  (c)  bone  burials. 
A  fourth  method,  that  of  burying  the  body  at  full  length,  seems  to  have 
occurred  occasionally  at  Tottenville. 

In  regard  to  the  first  of  these  forms,  the  flexed  burial  (i.  e.  the  body  laid 


1  New  York  State  Museum,  Bull.  89,  Archaeology  11,  p.  144. 


50 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.    [Vol.  Ill, 


on  one  side  and  the  arms  and  legs  flexed,  the  knees  and  hands  drawn  up  to 
or  near  the  chin)  is  probably  most  common.  The  average  depth  for  such  a 
burial  is  from  one  and  a  half  to  three  feet.  Some  are  very  near  the  surface 
and  the  writer  has  exhumed  at  least  one  that  was  very  deep  down. 

Apparently  it  was  the  custom  to  hold  a  "Feast  of  the  Dead"  at  the  time 
of  interment,  as  in  almost  all  instances  the  earth  above  and  about  the  skeleton 
contains  particles  of  charcoal,  fire-cracked  stones,  split  and  charred  animal 
bones,  potsherds,  bivalve  shells  and  the  like.  Sometimes  a  foot  or  more 
above  the  body  will  be  a  pit  containing  great  quantities  of  oyster  shells,  etc., 
as  though,  when  the  departed  was  out  of  sight  of  the  living  beneath  a  thin 
layer  of  earth,  a  feast  was  held  and  the  refuse,  etc.,  cast  into  the  still  open 
grave.  In  one  very  deep  grave,  at  a  depth  of  seven  and  a  half  feet,  and 
some  distance  below  the  skeleton,  the  remains  of  a  pottery  vessel  were  found 
upon  which  lay  stones,  apparently  thrown  in  to  break  it,  possibly  that  it 
might  never  be  used  again.  Animal  bones  lay  about;  then,  in  a  layer  of 
dark  and  practically  refuse-free  earth,  the  flexed  skeleton;  and  above  this 
again  a  bowl-shaped  deposit  of  oyster  shells,  etc.,  extended  to  the  surface. 
On  rare  occasions,  thick  layers  of  oyster  shells,  the  sharp  cutting  edge  up, 
have  been  found  packed  regularly  above  the  skeleton,  perhaps  to  prevent  the 
wolves  or  dogs  from  digging  up  the  body. 

As  a  general  thing,  burials  occupy  a  knoll  or  section  near  to,  but  not 
among,  the  dwelling  sites.  However,  skeletons  are  sometimes  found  in 
shell  or  fire  pits,  and  this  may  perhaps  be  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that,  if 
the  death  occurred  in  winter  when  the  ground  was  frozen,  digging  graves 
with  the  primitive  tools  at  the  command  of  the  Ivcnape"  was  a  serious  if  not 
impossible  matter;  hence,  the  corpse  may  have  been  placed  in  a  refuse  pit 
and  covered  with  debris,  an  easier  process  than  grave  digging.  All  the 
graves  seen,  opened  by,  or  reported  to,  the  writer  on  the  north  shore  of 
Staten  Island  were  of  this  type  of  "Bone  Burials,"  and  contained  no  objects 
whatever  except  such  discarded  tools,  etc.,  as  may  have  found  their  way  by 
accident  into  the  grave. 

Flexed  burials  with  objects  are  in  every  respect,  save  the  placing  of 
objects  with  the  dead,  the  same  as  the  first  form  described.  On  Staten 
Island,  these  seem  to  have  been  confined  to  the  Burial  Ridge  at  Tottenville, 
described  elsewhere  in  this  paper,  and  to  one  or  two  graves  on  the  Wort 
Farm  at  Woodrow.  Mr.  George  H.  Pepper  informs  the  writer  that  graves 
with  objects  have  been  disinterred  at  Morgan's  Station  on  the  New  Jersey 
mainland  opposite  Tottenville;  but  apparently  such  burials  are  rare  through- 
out the  Algonkin  region  of  southeastern  New  York,  Long  Island  and  neigh- 
boring Xew  Jersey,  in  marked  contrast  to  the  Iroquoian  cultural  area  to  the 
north  and  west. 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Staten  Island. 


51 


Almost  as  common  as  the  first  class  described  are  "bone"  or  "bunched" 
burials.  In  this  case  the  flesh  has  rotted  or  been  removed  from  the  body 
before  interment,  and  the  dry  bones  thrown  or  laid  in  a  hole,  usually  without 
order  and  generally  with  the  skull  on  top.  The  writer  has  opened  graves 
of  this  type  at  Bowman's  Brook  site,  Mariners'  Harbor,  under  conditions 
which  precluded  the  taking  of  photographs.  At  the  same  site,  a  single  grave 
was  found  to  contain  the  heaped-up  bones  of  a  number  of  individuals,  per- 
haps as  many  as  half  a  dozen.  Burials  at  full  length  are  said  to  have  been 
found  at  Tottenville,  in  Burial  Ridge  or  the  immediately  adjacent  fields. 

At  the  famous  Bowman's  Brook  site  at  Mariners'  Harbor,  the  writer 
found  the  skeleton  of  a  dog  which  had  received  regular  interment.  A  few 
inches  above  this  skeleton  (which,  by  the  way,  was  in  the  heart  of  the  village 
proper  and  not  in  the  cemetery)  was  a  deposit  of  oyster  shells  such  as  was 
often  found  above  human  remains  on  the  same  site.  Perhaps  this  was  the 
skeleton  of  some  pet  animal.  Dogs'  skeletons  have  also  been  found  at 
Tottenville.  The  writer  believes  those  who  have  attributed  a  ceremonial 
origin  to  these  dog  burials,  which  are  not  uncommon  on  New  York  Algonkin 
sites,  are  in  error.  With  the  skeleton  of  an  old  woman,  found  by  the  writer 
at  Bowman's  Brook  site,  were  the  remains  of  a  tiny  lynx  (Lynx  ruff  us)  kitten, 
still  with  its  milk  teeth. 

Quoting  again  from  De  Vries'  Journal,  we  learn :  — 

"They  make  a  large  grave,  and  line  it  inside  with  boughs  of  trees,  in  which  they 
lay  the  corpse,  so  that  no  earth  can  touch  it.  They  then  cover  this  with  clay,  and 
form  the  grave,  seven  or  eight  feet,  in  the  shape  of  a  sugar  loaf,  and  place  palisades 
around  it.  I  have  frequently  seen  the  wife  of  the  deceased  come  daily  to  the  grave, 
weeping  and  crying,  creeping  over  it  with  extended  body,  and  grieving  for  the  death 
of  her  husband.  The  oldest  wife  by  whom  he  has  children  does  this;  the  young  wife 
does  not  make  much  ado  about  it,  but  looks  about  for  another  husband.  They  keep 
a  portion  of  the  dead  in  the  house.  *****  They  then  bury  the  bones  in  the  grave, 
with  a  parcel  of  Zeewan  (wampum),  and  with  arrows,  kettles,  knives,  paper,  and 
other  knick-knacks,  which  are  held  in  great  esteem  by  them,  and  cover  them  with 
earth,  and  place  palisades  around  them,  as  before  related.  Such  is  the  custom  on 
the  coast  in  regard  to  the  dead.  The  chief  doctrine  held  among  them  is  the  belief 
in  the  immortality  of  the  soul  by  some.  Others  are  skeptical  on  this  point,  but  not 
far  from  it,  saying,  when  they  die  they  go  to  a  place  where  they  sing  like  the  ravens; 
but  this  singing  is  entirely  different  from  the  singing  of  angels."  1 

The  fact  that  "they  keep  a  portion  of  their  dead  in  the  house"  may 
account  for  subsequent  "bone  burials." 

Social  and  Religious  Organization.  In  the  "Remonstrance  of  New 
Netherland,"  we  find:  — 


1  De  Vries,  op.  cit.,  p.  164,  et  seq. 


52 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.    [Vol.  Ill, 


"  Traces,  and  nothing  more,  of  the  institution  of  marriage  can  be  perceived  among 
them.  The  man  and  woman  unite  together  without  any  special  ceremony,  except 
that  the  former,  by  agreement  previously  made  with  the  latter,  presents  her  with 
some  wampum  or  cloth,  which  he  frequently  takes  back  on  separating,  if  this  occur 
any  way  soon.  Both  men  and  women  are  exceedingly  unchaste  and  lascivious, 
without  the  least  particle  of  shame;  and  this  is  the  reason  that  the  men  so  frequently 
change  their  wives  and  the  women,  their  husbands.  They  have,  usually,  but  one 
wife:  sometimes  even  two  or  three,  but  this  mostly  obtains  among  the  chiefs.  They 
have  also  among  them  different  ranks  of  people,  such  as  noble  and  ignoble.  The 
men  are  generally  lazy  and  will  not  work  until  they  become  old  and  of  no  considera- 
tion; then  they  make  spoons  and  wooden  bowls,  traps,  nets,  and  various  other 
such  trifles;  in  other  respects,  they  do  nothing  but  fish,  hunt  and  go  to  war.  The 
women  must  perform  the  remainder  of  the  labor,  such  as  planting  corn,  cutting  and 
hauling  firewood,  cooking,  attending  the  children,  and  whatever  else  has  to  be  done. 

"They  are  divided  into  various  tribes  and  languages.  Each  tribe  usually  dwells 
together,  and  there  is  one  among  them  who  is  chief  ;  but  he  does  not  possess  much 
power  or  distinction,  except  in  their  dances  and  in  time  of  war.  Some  have  scarcely 
any  knowledge  of  God;  others  very  little.  Nevertheless,  they  relate  very  strange 
fables  of  the  Deity.  In  general,  they  have  a  great  dread  of  the  Devil,  who  gives  them 
wonderful  trouble;  some  converse  freely  on  the  subject  and  allow  themselves  to  be 
strangely  imposed  upon  by  him;  but  their  devils,  they  say,  will  not  have  anything 
to  do  with  the  Dutch.  Scarcely  a  word  is  heard  here  of  any  ghost  or  such  like. 
Offerings  are  sometimes  made  to  them,  but  with  little  ceremony.  They  believe, 
also,  in  an  Immortality  of  the  soul;  have,  likewise,  some  knowledge  of  the  Sun, 
Moon  and  Stars,  many  of  which  they  even  know  how  to  name;  they  are  passable 
judges  of  the  weather.  There  is  scarcely  any  law  or  justice  among  them,  except 
sometimes  in  war  matters,  and  then  very  little.  The  next  of  kin  is  the  avenger; 
the  youngest  are  the  most  daring,  w  ho  mostly  do  as  they  like. 

"As  soldiers  they  are  far  from  being  honorable,  but  perfidious,  and  accomplish  all 
their  designs  by  treachery;  they  also  use  many  stratagems  to  deceive  their  enemies 
and  execute  by  night  almost  all  their  plans  that  are  in  any  way  hazardous.  The 
thirst  for  revenge  seems  innate  in  them;  they  are  very  pertinacious  in  self  defence, 
when  they  cannot  escape;  which,  under  other  circumstances,  they  like  to  do;  and 
they  make  little  of  death,  when  it  is  inevitable,  and  despise  all  tortures  that  can  be 
inflicted  on  them  at  the  stake,  exhibiting  no  faintheartedness,  but  generally  singing 
until  they  are  dead.  They  also  know  right  well  how  to  cure  wounds  and  hurts,  or 
inveterate  sores  and  injuries,  by  means  of  herbs  and  roots  indigenous  to  the  country, 
and  which  are  known  to  th'jm."  1 

Of  marriage  customs,  De  Vries  says,  after  stating  that  the  women  are 
marriageable  direc  tly  after  arriving  at  puberty:  — 

"Whoever  gives  the  most  zeewan  is  the  successful  suitor.  They  go  home  with 
him,  and  remain  sometim  :s  one,  three,  or  four  months  with  him,  and  then  go  with 
another;  sometimes  remaining  with  him,  according  as  they  are  inclined  to  each  other. 
The  men  are  not  jealous,  and  even  lend  their  wives  to  a  friend.  They  are  fond  of 
meetings  to  frolic  and  dance;  but  the  women  are  compelled  to  work  like  asses,  and 


i  O'Callaghan,  op.  cit.,  Vol.  I,  pp.  281-2. 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Staten  Island. 


53 


when  they  travel,  to  carry  the  baggage  on  their  backs,  together  with  their  infants, 
if  they  have  any,  bound  to  a  board. 

"The  girls  consider  themselves  to  have  arrived  at  womanhood  when  they  begin 
to  have  their  monthly  terms,  and  as  soon  as  they  have  them,  they  go  and  disguise 
themselves  with  a  garment,  which  they  throw  over  their  body,  drawing  it  over  the 
head  so  they  can  hardly  see  with  their  eyes,  and  run  off  two  or  three  months,  lament- 
ing that  they  must  lose  their  virginity;  and  they  therefore  do  not  engage  in  any 
diversion  by  night,  or  other  unseasonable  time.  This  period  being  over,  they  throw 
away  their  disguise,  and  deck  themselves  with  a  quantity  of  zeewan  upon  the  body, 
head,  and  neck;  they  then  go  and  sit  in  some  place,  in  company  with  some  squaws, 
showing  that  they  are  up  for  a  bargain."  1 

In  speaking  of  a  "Long  House"  and  its  inhabitants  at  Fort  Hamilton, 
Long  Island,  Dankers  and  Sluyter  observed  that  the  dwellers  in  such  a 
communal  house  were  "all  of  one  stock,  as  a  father,  mother  and  their  off- 
spring. " 

Mythology.  Naturally  little  of  the  folk  lore  and  mythology  of  these 
people  has  come  down  to  us,  but  to  Dankers  and  Sluyter  we  are  again 
indebted,  this  time  for  the  Hackensack  creation  myth  which  is  as  follows:  — 

"  16  Oct.,  1679.  In  the  morning  there  came  an  Indian  to  our  house,  a  man  about 
80  years  of  age,  whom  our  people  call  Jasper,  who  lived  at  Ahakinsack  [Hackensack] 
at  Akinon.*  *  *  *  *  We  asked  him  where  he  believed  he  came  from?  He  answered 
from  his  father.  'And  where  did  your  father  come  from?'  we  said,  'and  your  grand- 
father and  great  grandfather,  and  so  to  the  first  of  the  race?'  He  was  silent  for  a 
little  while,  either  as  if  unable  to  climb  up  at  once  so  high  with  his  thoughts,  or  to 
express  them  without  help,  and  then  took  a  piece  of  coal  out  of  the  fire  where  he  sat, 
and  began  to  write  upon  the  floor.  He  first  drew  a  circle,  a  little  oval,  to  which  he 
made  four  paws  or  feet,  a  head  and  a  tail.  'This,'  said  he,  'is  a  tortoise,  lying  in  the 
water  around  it,'  and  he  moved  his  hand  round  the  figure,  continuing  'this  was  or  is 
all  water,  and  so  at  first  was  the  world  or  the  earth,  when  the  tortoise  gradually  raised 
its  round  back  up  high,  and  the  water  ran  off  it,  and  then  the  earth  became  dry.'  He 
then  took  a  little  straw  and  placed  it  on  and  in  the  middle  of  the  figure,  and  pro- 
ceeded, '  the  earth  was  now  dry,  and  there  grew  a  tree  in  the  middle  of  the  earth,  and 
the  root  of  this  tree  sent  forth  a  sprout  beside  it,  and  there  grew  upon  it  a  man,  who 
was  the  first  male.  This  man  was  there  alone,  and  would  have  remained  alone;  but 
the  tree  bent  over  its  top  and  touched  the  earth;  and  there  shot  therein  another 
root,  from  which  came  forth  another  sprout,  and  there  grew  upon  it  the  woman,  and 
from  these  two  are  all  men  produced." 

Art  as  shown  in  Pottery.  In  the  absence  of  their  fabrics,  leather  or 
wooden  utensils,  the  sole  remaining  place  where  we  may  seek  to  reconstruct 
the  art  of  the  Staten  Island  Lenape  is  in  their  pottery.  Considering  first  the 
forms  used  by  these  prehistoric  potters,  we  find  by  examination  of  fragments 
and  the  reconstruction  of  vessels  that  at  least  five  classes  of  pottery  may  be 


1  De  Vries,  op.  cit.,  p.  155,  et  seq. 


54  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.    [Vol.  Ill, 


mi 


differentiated:  of  these,  three  are  distinctly  native;  a  fourth  exotic;  and  a 
fifth  intermediate,  representing  a  transitional  stage  between  the  native  and 
foreign  types. 

On  one  site,  considered  by  the  writer  to  be  the  oldest  of  all  the  Algonkin 
remains  on  Staten  Island,  situated  at  the  junction  of  the  Shore  Road  and 
Western  Avenue  at  Bowman's  Point  or  Holland  Hook,  Mariners'  Harbor, 
pottery  is  exceedingly  rare,  only  four  or  five  sherds  having  been  found. 
However,  these  were  enough  to  show  that  the  vessel  from  which  they  were 

broken  was  of  rude  and  heavy  workmanship, 
possessing  a  plain  undecorated  rim  and  sloping 
downward  to  a  pointed  bottom.  They  were 
accompanied  by  large  fragments  of  steatite  vessels, 
and  a  large  scraper  of  very  unusual  form  described 
elsewhere  in  this  paper.  The  general  appearance 
of  the  site  itself  suggested  relative  antiquity  and 
the  writer  is  inclined  to  consider  it  the  oldest  Al- 
gonkin site  on  the  Island.  It  is  situated  about  a 
quarter  of  a  mile  from  the  great  Hackensack 
village  on  Bowman's  Brook,  which  was  evidently 
a  much  more  recent  settlement.  On  all  the  older 
sites  this  type  of  vessel  occurs,  sometimes  plain, 
but  often  ornamented,  while  fragments  are  also 
found  on  sites  having  undoubted  traces  of  the 
historic  period.  In  form,  it  is  a  cone  with  the 
sides  below  the  apex  somewhat  swollen  and 
rounded.  From  what  the  writer  has  seen  among 
the  local  collections  from  the  Muncey  and  Hacken- 
Sack  region  and  from  Mr.  Ernest  Yolk's  splendid 
collection  made  for  this  Institution  in  the  Dela- 
ware Valley,  this  type  must  be  considered  the 
typical  Ivenape"  vessel.  It  was  not  restricted  to 
those  people,  however,  as  it  was  comparatively 
universal  among  the  coastal  Algonkin  from  Virginia  northward  to  New 
England. 

A  second  type  found  in  this  region  and  apparently  derived  from  the 
former,  intermediates  being  found,  has  a  slightly  more  rounded  base  and  an 
overturning  flaring  lip  with  a  slightly  constricted  neck. 

The  third  and  last  typically  Algonkin  type  has  a  still  more  rounded 
bottom  and  a  somewhat  constricted  and  narrow  neck  with  a  flaring  lip, 
the  latter  feature  being  somewhat  less  conspicuous  than  in  the  second  type. 

The  fourth  type  is  found  only  on  sites  showing  historic  traces  or  advanced 


Fie. 
Pottery 
seum. 


2.  Fragments  of 
Staten   Island  Mu- 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Staten  Island. 


55 


degrees  of  prehistoric  culture,  and  is  more  abundant  on  the  northern  than  on 
the  southern  shore.  It  is  a  somewhat  modified  form  of  the  graceful  vessels 
found  throughout  the  Iroquois  country  of  central  New  York,  more  especially, 
perhaps,  in  the  Mohawk  Valley,  inhabited  by  a  people  who,  during  the 
latter  part  of  the  prehistoric  and  the  historic  existence  of  the  coastal  Algon- 
kin  of  New  York,  are  known  to  have  had  great  influence  over  them.  This 


**** 


JL** 


5i*n" 


5  e  i^. 


Of, 


H  C  (1  N  0, 


  f  "'" 


«j*       S>H  ' 

*  x 


1  I  V  fi  {)  i\  fl  VI 


ft 


tt      t  i  «  o  «M  •  t  l» 


5,01  "mBPDIO  Mil  II  |M| 
t  [  M  l'  C  lM«(  ft  » 


Fig.  3.    Pottery  Designs  and  Rims,  Staten  Island  Museum. 


form  in  the  Mohawk  Valley  is  characterized  by  a  bottom  so  rounded  that  it 
can  stand  by  itself,  a  deeply  constricted  neck,  a  raised  collar  or  rim,  often 
square  in  shape  with  an  angle  at  every  corner  and  a  raised  point  at  every 
angle.  In  some  instances  the  mouth  is  rounded,  which  obliterates  the  corner 
angles;  but  the  raised  peaks  or  points  are  still  present  at  regular  intervals. 
This  type  occurs,  as  has  been  said,  on  Staten  Island  sites  where  historic 
articles  are  found  or  where  the  comparatively  high  quality  of  the  ware 


56 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.    [Vol.  Ill 


suggests  a  later  period  of  prehistoric  development.  It  is  not  present  on  the 
older  sites,  nor  is  it  found  so  plentifully  as  we  progress  southward  in  Lenape 
territory  through  the  Island  into  the  mainland  where  Iroquois  influence  was 
perhaps  less  keenly  felt.  The  variety  having  the  rounded  rather  than  the 
square  and  angular  mouth,  is  apparently  the  only  type  found  here. 

The  fifth  and  last  form  is  an  intermediate  between  the  Iroquoian  and 
Algonkian  type.  It  occurs  only  on  sites  where  the  Iroquoian  form  is  found, 
and  so  far  as  the  writer  has  been  able  to  ascertain  possesses  a  rounded  bot- 
tom, constricted  neck,  and  thin  collar  with  no  peaks  or  humps.  The  re- 
semblance seems  to  lie  between  the  third  Algonkin  type  described  and  the 


c 

Fig.  4.     Fragments  of  Pottery,  Staten  Island  Museum. 


Iroquoian.  A  single  fragment  of  a  clay  vessel  possessing  an  ear,  lug,  or 
knob  (Fig.  2d),  comes  from  Watchogue. 

Before  proceeding  further,  it  may  be  said  that  the  vessels  of  Iroquoian 
type  are  usually  better  made  than  the  others,  and  are  often  washed  or  sized 
with  colored  clay  before  firing.  In  size,  the  vessels  from  Staten  Island  vary 
in  capacity  from  a  few  pints  to  a  number  of  gallons. 

Unfortunately,  in  treating  the  designs  applied  to  earthenware  in  this 
region,  we  must  at  once  eliminate  one  interesting  and  important  element, 
that  of  symbolism.  There  is  now  nothing  whatever  to  show  how  greatly 
this  element  influenced  design.  So  far  as  the  writer  is  aware,  no  painted 
pottery  has  been  obtained  from  Staten  Island;  although  we  have  been  shown 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Staten  Island 


57 


some  sherds,  possibly  painted  with  red  ochre,  from  Hackensack  territory 
near  what  is  now  Bayonne.  The  forms  of  decoration  now  to  be  found  were 
applied  by  incision  and  stamping,  the  latter  process  including  the  roulette. 
Only  the  rim  was  decorated,  usually  outside,  but  quite  commonly  inside  as 
well.  Throughout  this  region,  life  forms  are  exceedingly  rare.  A  single  ex- 
ample (Fig.  3e),  has  been  obtained,  showing  a  design  found  upon  a  vessel 
of  the  first  Algonkin  type  mentioned,  where  rude  raised  faces  (probably 
human)  were  found  at  intervals  in  connection  with  a  crude  pattern  of  in- 
cised lines  running  an  unusually  long  way  down  the  rim.  The  specimen 
is  unique,  not  only  from  Staten  Island,  but  from  the  coastal  Algonkin 
region  of  the  Eastern  United  States.  While  probably  Lenapian,  it  may 
show  Iroquoian  influence;  since,  on  Iroquois  sites,  whole  series  of  similar 
heads  and  faces  may  be  found  from  the  crudest  conventional  forms  to  those 
which  approximate  portraiture. 

The  typical  decoration  applied  to  Lenape  jars  of  the  first  type  was  the 
incised  chevron  design  and  its  variations,  as  shown  in  Fig.  3a  from  the 
Bowman's  Brook  site.  The  writer  has  but  rarely  seen  stamp  or  roulette 
designs  on  vessels  of  this  type.  Fig.  3i  demonstrates  this  form,  however, 
and  in  addition  appears  to  have  a  raised  design  in  stucco  parallel  to  the  edge. 
Fig.  3c  shows  a  rather  ornate  design  from  Old  Place  made  with  a  stamp  or 
roulette.  All  the  incised  designs  from  this  region  are  straight  or  angular, 
no  rounded  forms  being  known.  Fig.  3b  from  Tottenville  shows  a  combi- 
nation of  net  and  zigzag  designs  not  found  elsewhere.  Fig.  3d  shows  a 
design  made  by  marking  with  a  clam  shell  the  edge  of  a  plain  Algonkin 
pot  in  parallel  lines. 

The  second  Algonkin  type  described  is  not  so  common  as  the  first  and 
the  designs  applied  were  both  incised  and  stamped.  Fig.  3h  shows  an 
incised  pattern  from  a  vessel  obtained  from  the  Bowman's  Brook  site, 
Mariners'  Harbor,  as  does  Fig.  3j.  Fig.  3f  is  decorated  with  impressions 
apparently  made  with  a  twine-wrapped  stick,  as  was  Fig.  2c.  Fig.  2b 
shows  a  fragment  of  vessel  apparently  decorated  by  gouging  or  by  small 
incisions  made  in  the  clay. 

Fig.  3g  represents  the  design  on  a  vessel  of  the  third  Algonkin  type, 
from  a  grave  at  Bowman's  Brook  site,  Mariners'  Harbor.  It  was  decorated 
by  pressing  cord-wrapped  sticks  on  the  clay  when  still  wet.  Fig.  3f  repre- 
sents the  design  of  a  vessel  of  Algonkin  type,  made  by  the  cord-wrapped 
stick  process,  consisting  of  a  series  of  parallel  impressions  around  the  rim 
and  neck. 

Fig.  5i  shows  a  design  taken  from  a  partially  restored  Iroquoian  vessel 
excavated  years  ago  in  the  Tottenville  shell  heaps  by  Mr.  William  Oliffe. 
In  Iroquoian  pottery  hereabouts,  the  angle  where  the  collar  leaves  the  neck 


58 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.    [Vol.  Ill, 


is  usually  notched,  a  characteristic  of  the  true  Iroquois  potter's  art,  espe- 
cially in  the  Mohawk  valley.  Figs,  of  and  4c  represent  specimens  of  this 
type  from  AYatchogue,  and  Fig.  4b  is  an  Old  Place  specimen  having  an 
unusually  narrow  rim.  Fig.  5g  from  Watchogue  resembles  Fig.  4c  also 
from  that  site;  but  the  latter  has  a  design  apparently  made  with  a  carved 
stamp,  while  the  former  is  decorated  by  incision.  Fig.  oh  from  Bowman's 
Brook  site,  Mariners'  Harbor,  shows  a  very  rude  incised  design  and  the 
collar  is  less  thick  than  usual.  Fig.  5e  is  a  design  taken  from  the  rim  of  an 
Iroquoian  vessel,  black  without,  but  sized  within  with  a  bright  red  wash, 
and  decorated  by  the  typical  coast  Algonkin  method  of  pressing  the  fluted 
edges  of  a  scallop  shell  into  the  wet  clay.  This  is  from  Mariners'  Harbor. 
Fig.  4a  from  Old  Place  shows  roulette  decoration  on  an  Iroquoian  rim. 

Figs.  5a,  b,  c,  and  d  show  four  designs  taken  from  the  vessels  of  the 
fifth,  or  intermediate  class.  They  are  all  decorated  by  means  of  a  cord- 
wrapped  stick,  save  Fig.  5d.  Fig.  2c  shows  a  curious  profile  from  an  other- 
wise typical  vessel.  In  Fig.  2a,  from  Mariners'  Harbor  the  method  of 
decoration  is  indeterminate  but  was  probably  done  by  stamping. 

Steatite  or  soapstone  vessels  are  very  rare  in  comparison  with  pottery, 
and  such  vessels  must  have  been  brought  a  long  way.  One  specimen  from 
Lake's  Island  is  unique  in  being  rudely  decorated  by  scratching  or  incising 
along  the  edge.  These  seem  to  be  of  the  Atlantic  Coast  Algonkin  type, 
oblong  with  a  lug,  or  handle,  at  each  end.  As  steatite  is  not  native  to 
Staten  Island,  it  must  have  been  transported  from  some  distant  point,  the 
nearest  aboriginal  quarries  being  in  Connecticut. 

R£sum£. 

In  reviewing  the  archaeological  remains  from  Staten  Island,  one  is 
struck  by  a  few  slight,  though  perhaps  significant,  differences  in  culture 
between  the  sites  probably  occupied  by  Hackensack  on  the  northern  shore 
and  Raritan  sites  on  the  southern.  The  great  shell  heaps  at  Tottenville 
are  nowhere  duplicated;  but  facilities  for  shell  fishing  were  far  greater  in 
this  neighborhood  than  elsewhere.  However,  the  sites  on  the  south  shore 
are  far  more  abundant  in  net  sinkers  and  hammerstones  than  those  of  the 
north  where  the  former  are  rare  and  the  latter  not  at  all  common.  On  the 
other  hand,  arrow  points,  deer  bones,  etc.,  though  occurring  in  both  places, 
seem  comparatively  more  abundant  on  the  north  shore  sites,  which  may 
indicate  that  these  sites  were  inhabited  more  by  a  hunting  population,  and 
those  on  the  south  by  a  fishing  people.  The  ungrooved  axe,  hatchet,  or 
•celt,  is  exceedingly  uncommon  on  all  north  shore  sites,  some  of  the  largest, 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Staten  Island. 


iff 


&  <r      £1        *"  «" 

oft*   huhm  dflooHpoflo 


//////// 


rwftiirprfT*^nrrf<>w*Tirwp,»Wit 

f  I  V  V  t  i  C  (  c  i 


"••"SEE? 


»• 


as  ■„ 

^„,v<  ***** 


WW 


p  Pi 


( (  0  0  0  %  c 

3J  jllj:  juuuu  jLUjnPSSg^^^^B 


ImtLLHL 


Fig.  5.     Pottery  Designs,  Staten  Island  Museum. 


60 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.    [Vol.  Ill, 


as  Bowman's  Brook  site,  having  none  at  all ;  whereas  celts  are  found,  though 
not  in  great  abundance,  on  almost  all  south  shore  sites.  Pottery  showing 
Iroquoian  influence  occurs  on  south  shore  sites;  but  it  is  much  more  abun- 
dant on  those  of  the  north  shore.  The  Hackensack,  throughout  their 
range  were  much  more  on  the  line  of  travel  for  Iroquois  war  parties  than  the 
Raritan. 

In  no  graves  on  the  north  shore,  so  far  opened  by  the  writer  or  reported 
by  reliable  authority,  have  there  been  found  objects  intentionally  placed 
with  the  dead  for  spirit  use;  but  at  Tottenville,  in  Burial  Ridge,  and  at 
Woodrow,  Mr.  George  H.  Pepper  and  others  found  some  splendid  material 
—  a  fact  most  unusual  in  Algonkin  burials  of  coastal  New  York.  Mr. 
Pepper  informs  the  writer  that  at  Morgan's  Station,  New  Jersey,  nearly 
opposite  Tottenville,  similar  objects  were  found  in  graves  some  years  ago. 
This  is  also  in  Raritan  territory. 

Stone  pipes,  of  which  a  number  have  been  found  on  the  south  shore, 
have  never  been  reported  from  the  north;  and  so  far  no  bone  or  antler 
arrow  points  come  from  the  latter  region;  yet  this  is  negative  evidence,  for 
the  conditions  under  which  so  many  were  found  at  Tottenville  may  not 
occur  on  the  north  shore.  In  the  main,  however,  all  other  articles  are  more 
or  less  common  to  both  districts. 

The  archaeological  remains,  taken  as  a  whole,  differ  from  those  of  the 
Mahican  of  the  Hudson  Valley,  and  the  tribes  speaking  Algonkin  dialects 
in  New  England  and  Long  Island  in  a  number  of  ways.  The  stone  gouge 
and  adze,  so  typical  of  those  regions  occur  but  rarely;  one  gouge  and  four 
or  five  adzes  being  known.  The  typical  stone  pestle  is  more  common,  but 
is  rarely  so  long  or  well  made  as  the  typical  New  England  article.  Again, 
bone  and  antler  implements  are  apparently  more  common  in  this  region 
than  in  the  New  England  area.  Steatite  is  quite  uncommon,  while  the 
abundant  pottery  differs  in  form  and  decoration  from  that  of  Long  Island 
and  New  England. 

The  region  of  Manhattan  Island  and  the  nearby  mainland  was  anciently 
the  point  of  contact  between  the  Lenape'  and  New  England  Algonkin  peoples, 
who  doubtless  differed  culturally  as  their  archaeological  remains  testify; 
and  it  is  in  this  Manhattan  region  that  we  find  many  evidences  of  a  mixed 
culture.  When,  however,  we  examine  remains  from  the  Hackensack 
region,  both  on  the  mainland  and  Staten  Island,  it  appears  that  as  we  draw 
southward  the  typical  Lenape"  culture  begins  to  assert  itself  until  in  the 
Raritan  remains  on  the  south  shore  of  Staten  Island  and  on  their  sites  along 
the  Raritan  River  on  the  New  Jersey  mainland,  we  find  the  influence  of 
the  New  England  culture  entirely  wanting,  Iroquois  traces  faint,  and  the 
material  in  question  almost  identical  with  remains  found  by  Abbot  and 
Yolk  in  the  Delaware  Valley  at  Trenton. 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Staten  Island. 


61 


On  the  whole,  by  comparison  with  such  contemporary  writers  as  De  Vries, 
Van  Der  Donck,  Dankers  and  Sluyter,  and  later  with  Heckewelder,  we  find 
that  the  prehistoric  culture  of  Staten  Island  Indians  was  that  of  the  coast 
Algonkin  of  the  middle  states  and  typically  that  of  the  Lenape  or  some 
people  of  very  similar  culture.  Comparison  with  the  ethnology  of  still 
existing  Delawares  of  Canada  has  shown  many  similarities  and  doubtless, 
if  a  complete  study  of  the  Lenape  of  Indian  Territory  and  the  West  were 
made,  still  further  evidences  of  unity  might  be  found.  In  summing  up, 
therefore,  it  is  apparent  from  this  study  of  archaeological  remains  of  the 
region  in  question,  that  the  prehistoric  culture  of  Staten  Island  was  identical 
with  that  of  the  Algonkin  Lenape,  Hackensacks,  Raritans  and  Tappans  of 
the  historic  period. 


62  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  Historg.    [Vol.  III. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

In  preparing  this  paper,  the  writer  wishes  to  acknowledge  his  indebtedness  to 
the  Staten  Island  Association  of  .Arts  and  Sciences  for  the  loan  of  specimens,  the 
permission  to  reproduce  photographs  for  illustration,  and  the  details  of  the  text, 
especially  in  regard  to  many  of  the  sites;  to  Mr.  William  T.  Davis  of  New  Brighton, 
for  the  loan  of  specimens  for  illustration,  the  use  of  personal  notes  and  many  other 
courtesies;  to  Mr.  George  H.  Pepper  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  for  the 
loan  of  personal  notes  and  information;  to  Mr.  Peter  Decker  of  Watchogue  for 
information,  specimens  and  assistance;  and  to  Messrs.  Isaac,  Sr.,  Isaac,  Jr.,  George 
and  Samuel  Wort  of  Woodrow,  Rossville,  for  the  loan  of  specimens  for  illustration, 
personal  notes  and  information.  The  writer  also  wishes  to  acknowledge  the  kind- 
ness of  Messrs.  Charles  Benedict,  Almar  Decker,  Max  Bedell,  and  Isaiah  Merrill 
for  information  and  the  privilege  of  viewing  their  collections.  The  following  addi- 
tional sources  of  information  may  be  noted: — 

Abbott,  C.  C.    Primitive  Industry.    Salem,  1881. 

Allen,  Dr.  J.  A.    Identification  of  animal  bones  found  in  shell  pits,  etc. 

Beauchamp,  Rev.  Wm.    New  York  State  Museum  Bulletins.    Ar.  1-13. 

Brinton,  D.  G.    The  Lenape  and  their  Legends.    Philadelphia,  1885. 

Bayles,  R.  M.    History  of  Staten  Island. 

Calver,  W.  L.    Personal  notes  and  information. 

Clute.  J.  J.    Annals  of  Staten  Island.    New  York,  1877. 

Dankers  and  Sluyter.    Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  New  York,  etc.,  in  1679-80. 

(Memoirs  of  Long  Island  Historical  Society,  Vol.  I., 
1875.) 

Davis,  Wm.  T.    (a)  Papers  in  Proceedings  Natural  Science  Association  of  Staten 

Island. 

(b)  "Staten  Island  Names;  Ye  olde  Names  and  Nicknames." 
De  Vries,  David  Peterson.    Voyages  from  Holland  to  America.    New  York, 

1853. 

Harrington,  M.  R.    Letters  to  writer. 

Heckewelder,  John.    An  account  of  the  History,  Manners  and  Customs  of  the 

Indians,  etc.    Philadelphia,  1876. 
Hollick,  Dr.  A.    Papers  in  Proceedings  Natural  Sciences  Association  of  Staten 

Island. 

Loskiel,  George  H.    History  of  the  Missions  among  the  Indians  of  North  Amer- 
ica.   London,  1794. 
Montanus,  Arnoldus.    Description  of  New  Netherland,  Amsterdam,  1671. 
Ocallaghan,  E.  B.    Documentary  History  of  New  York. 
Parker,  A.  C.    Personal  notes  and  letters. 

Pepper,  G.  H.    Papers  in  Proceedings  Natural  Science  Association  of  Staten 
Island. 

Ruttenber,  E.  M.    History  of  the  Indian  Tribes  of  the  Hudson  River.  Albany, 

1872. 

Sluyter  and  Dankers.    See  Dankers. 

Wainwright,  Capt.  N.    Papers  in  Proceedings  Natural  Science  Association  of 

Staten  Island. 


Anthrop.  Pap.  A.  M.  N.  H. 


Vol.  III. 


Arcileoloqical  Map  op  Staten  Island. 


ABORIGINAL  REMAINS  ON  MANHATTAN  ISLAND 

BY 

JAflES  K.  FINCH. 


Introduction. 


The  first  field  work  done  on  Manhattan  Island  is  of  very  recent  date. 
Doubtless  many  articles  of  Indian  manufacture  and  evidences  of  their 
occupation  were  found  as  the  city  grew  up  from  its  first  settlement  at  Fort 
Amsterdam,  but  of  these  specimens  we  have  very  few  records.  The  first 
specimens  found  which  have  been  preserved,  to  the  knowledge  of  those  now 
interested  in  the  subject,  were  found  in  1855,  and  consisted  of  a  deposit  of 
Indian  arrow  points  found  in  Harlem  during  excavation  for  a  cellar  on  Avenue 
A,  between  120th  and  121st  Streets.  Some  of  these  are  spoken  of  by  James 
Biker  1  as  being  in  the  author's  cabinet.  Riker  also  speaks  of  shell  heaps 
near  here.2  The  next  specimens  preserved  were  found  at  Kingsbridge  Road 
(now  Broadway)  and  220th  Street  in  1886,  and  are  in  the  John  Xeafie  Col- 
lection at  the  Museum.3  These  consist  of  an  arrow  point  and  a  few  bits  of 
pottery.  The  next  work  was  begun  in  1889  by  Mr.  W.  L.  Calver  of  this  city, 
and  has  led  to  the  discovery  of  much  valuable  material  which  has  been  pre- 
served. 

The  following  account  of  the  work  is  taken  mainly  from  Mr.  Calver's 
note-book: — 

In  the  autumn  of  the  year  1889,  while  exploring  the  heights  of  Blooming- 
dale  (now  called  Cathedral  Heights)  for  any  relics  that  might  have  remained 
from  the  Battle  of  Harlem,  Mr.  Calver  discovered  one  arrow  point  at  118th 
Street,  east  of  Ninth  Avenue,  and  immediately  afterwards  a  circular  hammer- 
stone.  On  a  later  trip  to  the  same  locality,  he  found  a  small  grooved  axe  or 
tomahawk.4  In  February,  1890,  while  hunting  for  Revolutionary  relics  in 
the  vicinity  of  Fort  Washington,  he  made  a  trip  to  the  northern  part  of  the 
Island  in  search  of  British  regimental  buttons,  many  of  which  were  said  to 
have  been  found  in  that  vicinity.  There  he  met  an  old  acquaintance,  Mr. 
John  Pearce,  a  policeman  then  on  duty  there,  by  whom  he  was  introduced  to 
Mr.  James  McGuey,  a  youth  residing  in  the  vicinity  of  198th  Street  and 
Kingsbridge  Road.    To  Mr.  Calver,  Mr.  McGuey  presented  several  relics 


1  History  of  Harlem  (1881),  footnote,  p.  137. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  366. 

3  Catalogue  20,  Nos.  2558-2559. 

4  The  writer  found  an  arrowhead  on  South  Field,  in  front  of  Columbia  University  Library, 
on  September  30,  1904. 

65 


66        Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.      [Vol.  Ill, 


found  by  himself  on  camp  sites  and  made  an  appointment  to  meet  him 
early  in  March  to  explore  for  Indian  remains.  The  same  day,  Mr.  Pearce 
took  Mr.  Calver  to  be  introduced  to  Mr.  Thomas  Reefe  who  resided  near 
Kingsbridge  Road  and  Isham  Avenue,  and,  while  crossing  the  orchard  at 
Academy  Street  and  Seaman  Avenue,  Mr.  Calver  saw  that  the  ground  was 
thickly  strewn  with  shells  which  afterwards  proved  to  be  of  Indian  origin. 

The  first  Sunday  in  March,  Messrs.  Calver  and  McGuey  explored  this 
part  of  the  Island  for  Indian  remains.  At  the  junction  of  Academy  Street 
and  Prescott  Avenue,  they  found  an  Indian  potsherd  whose  importance  Mr. 
McGuey  seemed  to  realize,  for,  a  week  later,  Mr.  Calver  met  him  again  and 
was  presented  by  him  with  a  number  of  fragments  of  Indian  ware.  He 
assured  Mr.  Calver  that  he  had  found  it  by  digging  in  an  Indian  graveyard. 
The  two  men  dug  again  at  this  place,  now  known  as  "the  Knoll,"  and  found 
more  pottery.  They  then  went  to  Cold  Spring,  a  point  on  the  extreme 
northern  end  of  the  Island,  and  in  a  shell  heap  there  they  found  more  Indian 
work.  Mr.  Alexander  C.  Chenoweth,  an  engineer,  then  on  the  Croton 
Aqueduct,  hearing  of  these  discoveries,  obtained  a  permit  from  the  property 
owners  and  began  to  explore  "the  Knoll"  for  Indian  remains.  Having 
finished  here,  he  went  to  ('old  Spring  and  made  some  further  discoveries. 
All  his  specimens  were  purchased  in  1S94  by  the  Museum,  and  some  (if  them 
are  now  on  exhibition.1 

Since  this  time,  several  interesting  relics  have  been  found  and,  as  the  work 
of  grading  streets,  etc.,  at  this  part  of  the  Island  is  carried  on,  more  relics 
will  probably  come  to  light.  An  account  of  the  recent  finds  will  be  found  in 
another  part  of  this  volume,  the  time  of  this  writing  having  been  1904. 

Location  of  Archaeological  Sites. 

The  onlv  Indian  remains  left  on  the  Island,  so  far  as  known  to  the  writer, 
are  situated  at  the  extreme  northern  end  at  Inwood  and  Cold  Spring.-  They 
consist  of  the  so-called  shell  heaps  or  refuse  piles  from  Indian  Camps,  and 
three  rock-shelters  at  Cold  Spring.  But  we  have  evidence  to  show  that 
this  was  not  the  only  part  of  the  Island  occupied  by  the  Indians.  Mrs. 
Lamb  3  says  that  the  Dutch  found  a  large  shell  heap  on  the  west  shore  of 
Fresh  Water  pond,  a  small  pond,  mostly  swamp,  which  was  bounded  by  the 


1  Catalogue  20.  Nos.  2066-2069,  3407-3533  and  6579-6602. 

2  Mr.  Reginald  Pelham  Bolton,  in  cooperation  with  the  American  Scenic  and  Historic 
Preservation  Society,  has  been  trying  to  have  the  site  at  Cold  Spring  included  in  a  small  park. 
This  would  save  the  last  traces  of  the  primitive  Manhattanite  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  plan 
will  go  through.    See  9th  Annual  Report  of  the  Society. 

3  History  of  New  York  City,  p.  36. 


1909.] 


Finch,  Manhattan  Island. 


67 


present  Bowery,  Elm,  Canal  and  Pearl  Streets,  and  which  they  named 
Kalch-Hook  or  shell-point.  In  course  of  time,  this  was  abbreviated  to 
Kalch  or  Collect  and  was  applied  to  the  pond  itself.  This  shell  heap  must 
have  been  the  accumulation  of  quite  a  village,  for  Mrs.  J  no.  K.  Van  Ren- 
sellaer  1  speaks  of  a  castle  called  Catiemuts  overlooking  a  small  pond  near 
Canal  Street,  and  says  that  the  neighborhood  was  called  Shell  Point.  Hem- 
street  refers  to  the  same  castle  as  being  on  a  hill  "close  by  the  present 
Chatham  Square,"  and  says  that  it  had  once  been  an  "Indian  lookout."  2 
Excavations  at  Pearl  Street  are  said  to  have  reached  old  shell  banks.3  "The 
Memorial  History  of  New  York"  says  that  a  hill  near  Chatham  Square  was 
called  Warpoes,  which  meant  literally  a  "small  hill."  4  According  to  the 
same  authority,  "Corlear's  Hoeck  was  called  Xaig-ia-nac,  literally  'sand- 
lands.'  It  may,  however,  have  been  the  name  of  the  Indian  village  which 
stood  there,  and  was  in  temporary  occupation."  This  is  the  only  reference 
we  have  to  this  village,  but  there  are  references  to  another  on  the  lower  end 
of  the  Island.  Janvier5  says  that  there  was  an  Indian  settlement  as  late  as 
1661  at  Sappokanican  near  the  present  Gansevoort  Market.  According  to 
Judge  Benson,6  Sapokanican  was  the  Indian  name  for  the  point  afterwards 
known  as  Greenwich.  "In  the  Dutch  records  references  are  made  to  the 
Indian  village  of  Sappokanican;  and  this  name  .  .  .  .was  applied  for  more 
than  a  century  to  the  region  which  came  to  be  known  as  Greenwich  in  the 
later,  English,  times.  The  Indian  village  probably  was  near  the  site  of  the 
present  Gansevoort  Market;  but  the  name  seems  to  have  been  applied  to 
the  whole  region  lying  between  the  North  River  and  the  stream  called  the 
Manetta  Water  or  Bestavaar's  Kill."  7  Benton  says  that  the  name  of  the 
village  was  Lapinican.8  Going  back  to  the  old  Dutch  records  might  lead 
to  some  results  in  finding  the  actual  names,  etc.,  of  these  places. 

Most  of  the  specimens  found  on  Manhattan  Island,  as  already  stated, 
come  from  the  northern  part.  We  have  a  few  from  the  central  portion, 
however.  There  are  the  arrow-heads  spoken  of  by  Riker,  and  in  Webster 
Free  Library  there  is  a  fine  specimen  of  a  grooved  stone  axe  found  at  77th 
Street  and  Avenue  B.  Mr.  Calver  has  found  an  arrow-head  at  81st  Street 
and  Hudson  River  and  the  specimens  from  Columbia  College  have  been 
already  mentioned. 


1  Goede-Vrouw  of  Manahata,  p.  39. 

2  Hemstreet,  Nooks  and  Corners  of  Old  New  York,  p.  46. 

3  Bulletin.  N.  Y.  State  Museum,  Vol.  7,  No.  32,  p.  107,  Feb.  1900. 

4  James  G.  Wilson,  op.  cit.,  p.  52. 

5  Evolution  of  New  York. 

6  N.  Y.  Historical  Society  Collection,  S.  II,  Vol.  II,  Pt.  I.  p.  84,  1848. 

7  Thos.  A.  Janvier,  In  Old  New  York,  pp.  85-86. 

8  New  York,  p.  26. 


68 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.    [Vol.  Ill, 


Doubtless  the  northern  part  of  the  Island  was  inhabited  for  the  longer 
period;  but  it  is  probable  that  all  along  the  shore,  wherever  one  of  the  many 
springs  or  small  brooks,  shown  on  old  maps,  emptied  into  the  Hudson  or 
East  River,  there  were  small,  temporary  Indian  camps.  It  is  likely  that  these 
camps  were  used  only  in  summer,  while  the  primitive  occupant  of  Manhattan 
retreated  to  the  more  protected  part  of  the  Island,  as  at  Inwood  and  Cold 
Spring,  during  the  winter.  Or  it  may  be  possible  that,  as  Ruttenber 1 
states,  the  villages  on  Manhattan  Island  were  only  occupied  when  the  Indians 
were  on  hunting  and  fishing  excursions,  while  their  permanent  villages  were 
on  the  mainland.  Bolton,2  however,  says  their  principal  settlement  was  on 
Manhattan  Island. 

Fort  Washington  Point.  There  is  a  small  deposit  of  shells,  on  the 
southern  edge  of  the  point,  in  which  the  writer  found  some  small  pieces  of 
pottery  and  a  few  flint  chips,  thus  proving  its  Indian  origin.  This  was 
probably  a  summer  camp  as  it  was  too  exposed  for  winter  use. 

The  Knoll.  "The  Knoll"  was  the  name  applied  to  a  small  rise  of  land, 
at  the  southwest  corner  of  Dvckman  Street  and  Sherman  Avenue,  which  ran 
out  into  Sherman  Creek  from  the  eastern  edge  of  the  hill  at  that  place.  As 
already  stated,  Messrs.  Calver  and  McGuey  found  potsherds  here;  then  Mr. 
Chenoweth  obtained  permission  of  the  property  owners  to  make  excavations. 
He  found  numerous  fragments  of  arrow  points  and  pottery  in  some  refuse 
deposits  from  an  Indian  camp  and  also  uncovered  what  were  thought  to 
have  been  "paved  fireplaces."  The  newspapers  of  the  time  had  accounts 
of  the  finds,  with  pictures  of  the  pottery  and  other  objects  found.3  Mr. 
Chenoweth  also  uncovered  a  number  of  skeletons.  It  is  stated  that  these 
graves  were  marked  with  rough  headstones,  and  there  are  pieces  of  a  coffin 
from  here  in  t he  Terry  Collection  in  the  American  Museum,  as  are  also 
a  number  of  lead  buttons  found  with  one  interment.  Everything  seems 
to  point  to  these  as  being  burials  of  early  settlers,  but  Mr.  Chenoweth  holds 
that  they  are  Indian.  Several  of  the  skeletons  have  been  preserved  in  the 
Museum.  So  far  as  is  known  the  only  Indian  burials  yet  discovered  in  this 
locality  were  found  by  Mr.  J.  Bradley  James,  Jr.,  at  Van  Cortlandt  Park.' 
A  parallel  condition  to  this  at  the  Knoll  was  found  at  211th  Street  and  will 
be  spoken  of  later.  The  Knoll  site  had  undoubtedly  been  an  ancient  Indian 
camp.  Probably  Sherman  Creek  was  open  up  to  this  point  to  Indian 
canoes. 

Cold  Spring.    Cold  Spring  is  situated  at  the  extreme  northern  end  of 


1  Indian  Tribes  of  Hudson's  River,  p.  78. 

2  History  of  Westchester  County,  p.  25. 

3  New  York  Herald,  January  14,  1894;  also  Illustrated  American,  September  19,  1901. 
*  Popular  Science  News,  August,  1896,  and  April,  1897. 


1909.] 


Finch,  Manhattan  Island. 


69 


Manhattan  Island  on  the  southern  shore  of  Spuyten  Duyvil  Creek.  The 
Indian  remains  consist  of  three  rock-shelters  and  three  refuse  heaps.  The 
rock-shelter  is  a  formation  where  the  overhanging  rocks  form  a  small  cave 
or  shelter  which  the  Indians  used  as  a  dwelling  place.  All  their  rubbish, 
such  as  oyster  shells,  broken  pottery  and  broken  arrow-heads,  were  dumped 
near  by,  forming  the  so-called  shell  heaps.  Messrs.  Calver  arid  McGuey 
explored  the  shell  heaps;  but  Mr.  Chenoweth  was  the  first  to  suspect  the 
existence  of  the  shelters.  There  is  only  one  which  is  likelv  to  have  been  used 
as  a  dwelling  place,  the  others  being  places  where  food  was  stored  or  shelters 
for  fires  used  in  cooking.  These  shelters  face  east,  and  are  at  the  foot  of  the 
hill  (formerly  called  Cock  Hill)  which  forms  the  most  northern  part  of 
Manhattan  Island.  The  largest  one  was  formed  by  several  of  the  rocks 
breaking  off  the  cliffs  above  and  falling  in  such  a  manner  that,  by  digging 
out  some  of  the  earth  from  beneath  them,  the  Indians  could  make  a  small 
shelter.  Probably  it  was  occupied  by  one  family,  while  the  others  lived  in 
bark  wigwams  near  by.1  Another  of  the  shelters  is  simply  an  excavation 
under  the  end  of  a  huge  fragment  which  also  dropped  from  the  cliffs  above, 
and  the  third  is  a  large  crevice  in  the  foot  of  these  cliffs.  When  Mr.  Cheno- 
weth first  explored  them,  all  these  shelters  were  completely  filled  with  earth 
which  had  gradually  worked  its  way  in  since  their  occupation,  and  much 
credit  is  due  him  for  suspecting  their  presence.  In  them  he  found  frag- 
ments of  pottery  and  stone  implements,  together  with  the  bones  of  turkey 
and  deer.  The  largest  of  the  refuse  heaps  is  situated  on  a  rise  directly  in 
front  of  these  shelters.  It  consists  of  a  layer  of  shells,  in  places  several 
inches  thick,  found  under  a  layer  of  fine  loam,  a  black  earth  which  has 
been  deposited  since  the  shells  which  are  scattered  over  the  original  sandy 
yellow  soil.  The  sheltered  position  of  this  place  made  it  an  especially  de- 
sirable camp  site.  The  hills  to  the  south  and  west  formed  a  protection  to 
the  camp  from  winds,  and  by  Spuyten  Duyvil  Creek  access  could  be  had  to 
either  Hudson  or  East  Rivers;  while  the  Cold  Spring,  from  which  the  place 
takes  its  name,  furnished  an  abundant  supply  of  fresh  water. 

Inwood  Station  Site.  At  the  foot  of  Dyckman  Street  and  Hudson  River, 
there  existed  a  large  deposit  of  shells  most  of  which  were  removed  when  the 
rocks  on  which  they  lay  were  blasted  away  for  grading  the  street.  A  few 
arrow  points  and  bits  of  pottery,  as  well  as  several  Revolutionary  objects, 
were  found  here.  Part  of  the  deposit  is  still  left  on  the  northern  shore  of 
the  small  bay  just  below  Inwood  station.  There  are  photographs  of  this 
deposit  in  the  Museum. 


1  Memorial  History  of  New  York,  Vol.  I,  p.  33,  for  picture  of  houses,  and  p.  39  for  descrip- 
tion. 


70  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.    [Vol.  Ill, 


Harlem  Ship  Canal.  Formerly  at  220th  Street  and  Kingsbridge  Road 
was  a  large  deposit  of  shells  on  the  westerly  side  of  the  road.  This  was 
destroyed  when  the  ship  canal  was  put  through.  As  with  the  Inwood  Station 
site,  no  systematic  examination  of  this  place  was  ever  made.'  Mr.  John 
Xeafie  found  some  potsherds  here  in  1886,  and  Mr.  Chenoweth  also  has 
some  potsherds  from  here.1  Mr.  Calver  says  that  this  was  a  large  deposit, 
and  that  the  peculiar  thing  about  it  was  that  the  shells  were  so  wedged  and 
packed  together  that  a  pick  would  hardly  penetrate  them.  They  lay  on  the 
bare  rock  surface  in  cracks  in  the  rock. 

Harlem  River  Deposit.  Mr.  Calver  says,  "Extending  from  209th  Street 
to  211th  Street  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Harlem  River  and  almost  on  a  line 
with  Ninth  Avenue  was  another  large  deposit  of  oyster  shells  lying  just 
beneath  the  top  soil  of  the  field.  These  shells  had  nearly  all  been  dis- 
turbed by  the  plow  and  are  interesting  only  for  their  color,  which  was  red. 
Pieces  of  horn  of  deer  and  split  bones  of  the  same  animal  were  common 
among  the  shells;  but,  in  spite  of  the  apparent  antiquity  of  the  deposit, 
there  was,  even  in  the  lowest  strata  of  it,  some  small  fragments  of  glass  which 
proved  that  either  the  whole  mass  had  been  disturbed  or  else  the  shells  had 
been  left  dtiring  the  historic  period.  There  are  several  stone  sinkers  and 
hammerstones  from  this  spot  in  Mr.  Culver's  collection  and  at  the  Museum. 

Ishams  Garden.  This  is  a  large  garden  about  on  the  line  of  Isham 
Street  and  Seaman  Avenue.  The  soil  is  white  with  small  fragments  of  shells. 
A  number  of  arrow  points,  flint  chips,  hammerstones,  sinkers  and  a  few  bits 
of  pottery  have  been  found  here.  Mr.  Calver  has  found  several  shell  pockets 
with  small  deposits  of  pottery,  etc.,  on  the  hill  to  the  south  of  this  garden. 

Academy  Street  Garden.  This  is  a  small  garden  between  Academy 
and  Hawthorne  Streets,  running  through  from  Seaman  Avenue  to  Cooper 
Street.  It  was  a  British  camp  site  during  the  Revolution,  and  a  number 
of  buttons,  gun-flints  and  bullets  have  been  found  there  as  well  as  numerous 
Indian  remains.  It  seems  to  have  been  the  workshop  for  a  red  jasper-like 
stone  of  which  no  finished  implements  have  been  found  but  numerous 
chips.  The  shells  at  this  point  were  first  noticed  by  Mr.  Calver  in  1890. 
They  may  not  all  be  of  Indian  origin  as  some  may  be  due  to  soldiers. 

Dog  Burials  found  in  1895.  In  January,  1895,  Mr.  Calver  found  two 
interesting  "dog  burials."  The  first  burial  was  unearthed  at  the  summit 
of  a  ridge  of  soft  earth  at  209th  Street,  near  the  Harlem  River.  The  ridge, 
which  was  about  twelve  feet  high,  had  been  partly  cut  away  for  the  grading 
of  Ninth  Avenue.  It  was  at  the  highest  part  of  the  hillock  that  a  pocket 
of  oyster  and  clam  shells  was  noticed,  from  which  a  few  fragments  of  Indian 

1  John  Neafie  Collection,  20-2558;  Chenoweth.  20-3498. 


1909.] 


Finch,  Manhattan  Island. 


71 


pottery  which  lay  on  the  face  of  the  bank  had  evidently  fallen.  The  shells, 
upon  inspection,  were  found  to  have  served  as  a  covering  for  the  skeleton  of  a 
dog  or  wolf.  Another  burial  was  found  on  May  18th  within  fifty  yards  of 
the  first  burial.  It  had  been  covered  with  shells  just  as  the  first  one,  but  had 
been  disturbed  by  workmen.  Mr.  Calver  says:  "The  two  canine  burials 
were  situated  at  a  point  just  without  the  borders  of  the  Harlem  River  shell 
heap  and  were  distinct  from  it.  The  shells  were  found  to  be  matched, 
hence  it  was  concluded  that  they  were  thrown  in  unopened  or  eaten  on  the 
spot.  As  the  skeletons  were  intact  and  the  bones  uninjured,  all  probability 
of  the  animals  having  been  eaten  is  disposed  of."  These  burials  are  com- 
mon in  this  vicinity.  No  satisfactory  explanation  of  them  has  been  given; 
but  Mr.  Calver  thinks  they  were  for  some  religious  purpose,  and  suggests  a 
relation  to  the  "White  Dog  Feast"  of  the  Onondagas  of  this  State.1  It  is 
certain  that  the  pockets  were  in  many  cases  used  as  fireplaces. 

Shell  Pockets  at  211th  Street.  In  March,  1903,  there  was  considerable 
excitement  over  the  reported  discovery  of  an  Indian  graveyard  at  211th 
Street.2  The  graveyard  proved  to  have  been  that  of  some  slaves,  and  was 
situated  on  the  western  end  of  the  rise  between  210th  and  211  Streets,  on 
the  eastern  end  of  which  is  the  old  Xeagle  Burying  Ground.  This  discovery 
was  interesting  because  under  the  negro  graves  several  shell  pockets  of 
undoubted  Indian  origin  came  to  light.  The  workmen,  in  grading  Tenth 
Avenue,  cut  into  this  hill  to  obtain  material  for  filling,  and  uncoVered  the 
graves  and  pockets.  It  seems  almost  certain  that  the  deposits  were  made 
some  time  ago;  then  the  wind  blew  the  sand  over  the  deposits  to  a  depth  of 
four  or  five  feet,  and  negroes  later  used  this  place  as  a  burial  ground.  In 
support  of  this  theory  is  the  fact  that  the  pockets  were  four  or  five  feet  under 
'the  surface,  that  the  soil  above  showed  no  signs  of  having  been  disturbed, 
and  that  this  rise  is  put  down  on  the  Government  maps  of  this  section  as  a 
sand  dune.3  During  the  summer  of  1904,  Mr.  Calver  with  Messrs.  Hall  and 
Bolton  uncovered  nine  more  pockets  to  the  southwest  of  the  graveyard.4 
These  pockets  all  seem  to  have  been  of  the  same  period  as  the  others,  and 
all  appear  to  have  been  on  the  original  ground  surface,  although  those 
farther  up  the  hill  were  some  four  feet  under  the  present  surface.  In  one 
of  these  pockets,  Mr.  Calver  found  the  complete  skeleton  of  a  dog;  in 
another,  a  turtle  shell;  two  others  contained  complete  snake  skeletons; 
while  a  fifth  held  the  fragments  of  a  small  pottery  vessel.  The  pockets  were 
small,  being  about  three  feet  in  diameter  and  of  equal  depth,  showing  no 


1  N.  Y.  Herald,  May  26,  1895. 

2  Evening  Telegram,  March  14,  1903. 

3  New  York  Geologic  Folio. 

*  New  York  Tribune,  Oct.  30,  1904,  and  New  York  Sun,  Dec.  14,  1901. 


72  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.    [Vol.  Ill, 


signs  of  having  first  been  used  as  fireplaces  and  then  filled  up,  though 
charcoal  was  scattered  among  the  shells.  Almost  all  the  relics  from  Van 
Cortlandt  Park  were  found  by  Mr.  James  in  pockets  similar  to  these. 

Historical  References. 

Historical  references  to  the  Indians  who  occupied  this  territory  in  the 
early  days  are  very  confusing  and  contradictory.  There  seems  to  be  a 
great  deal  of  trouble  in  the  use  of  the  word  Manhattan.  Van  der  Donck 
in  1633  classified  the  Indians  of  this  section  by  language,  and  said,  "Four 
distinct  languages  —  namely,  Manhattan,  Minqua,  Savanos  and  Wap- 
panoos"  —  are  spoken  by  Indians.  "With  the  Manhattans  we  include 
those  who  live  in  the  neighboring  places  along  the  North  River,  on  Long 
Island,  and  at  the  Neversinks."  1  It  is  probable  that  "it  was.  .  .  .this  clas- 
sification by  dialect  that  led  the  Dutch  to  the  adoption  of  the  generic  title 
of  Manhattans  as  t he  name  of  the  people  among  whom  they  made  settle- 
ments." 2  De  Laet  wrote  that  "on  the  east  side,  on  the  mainland,  dwell  the 
Manhattans,"  and  in  1632  Wassenaer  adds  that  they  are  "a  bad  race  of 
savages,  who  have  always  been  unfriendly  to  our  people"  and  that  "on  the 
west  side  are  the  Sanhikans,  who  are  the  deadly  enemies  of  the  Manhat- 
tans." 3  "When  Hudson  returned  from  his  trip  up  the  River  which  now 
bears  his  name,  he  was  attacked  by  Indians  in  birch  or  dug-out  (?)  canoes 
at  the  mouth  of  Spuyten  Duyvil  Creek.  These  Indians  were  a  sub-tribe  of 
the  Wappingers  or  Wapanachki,  called  the  Ileckgawa wanes." 4  This 
name  seems  to  have  been  given  to  the  Indians  who  inhabited  Manhattan 
Island,  while  the  term  Manhattans  as  already  stated  was  a  classification  of 
dialect  only.  Ruttenber  says  that  the  Reckgawawancs  were  named  after 
their  chief  Rechgawac;5  and  the  name  also  seems  to  have  been  applied  to 
part  of  the  Island  for  Hiker  says  that, —  "The  Indians  still  [in  1669]  laid 
claim  to  portions  of  the  Harlem  lands,.  .  .  .one  of  the  tracts  being  their  old 
and  favorite  haunt  Rechcwanis,  or  Montagne's  Point.  The  chief  claimant 
was  Rechewack,  the  old  Sachem  and  proprietor  of  Wickquaskeek,  who,  as 
far  back  as  1G39,  had  been  a  party  to  the  sale  of  Ranachqua  and  Kaxkeek."  6 
This  sale  was  made  to  Bronck  by  "Tackainack"  7  and  his  associates  and 

'  Wilson,  Memorial  History  of  N.  Y,  Vol.  I,  p.  34. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  49. 

3  Ibid.,  p.  34. 
«  Ibid.,  p.  46. 

6  Ruttenber,  op.  cit.,  p.  78. 

e  History  of  Harlem,  p.  287. 

7  This  should  be  Tackarew,  according  to  Ruttenber  who  says  that  his  descendants  were 
residents  of  Yonkers  as  late  as  1701:  see,  Indian  Tribes,  p.  78. 


1939.] 


Finch,  Manhattan  Island. 


73 


included  a  "large  tract  of  land  called  by  them  Ranachqua,  lying  between  the 
great  Kill  [Harlem]  and  the  river  Ah-qua-hung,  now  the  Bronx."  1 

During  Indian  troubles  in  1675,  the  Wickquaskeeks  at  Ann's  Hook, 
now  Pelham  Neck  were  told  "to  remove  within  a  fortnight  to  their  usual 
winter  quarters  within  Hellgate  upon  this  island."  Riker  says,  "This 
winter  retreat  was  either  the  woodlands  between  Harlem  Plains  and  Kings- 
bridge,  at  that  date  still  claimed  by  these  Indians  as  hunting  grounds,  or 
Rechawanes  and  adjoining  lands  on  the  Bay  of  Hellgate,  as  the  words 
*  within  Hellgate'  would  strictly  mean,  and  which,  by  the  immense  shell- 
beds  found  there  formerly,  is  proved  to  have  been  a  favorite  Indian  resort."  2 
A  little  later  the  Indians  asked  to  be  allowed  to  return  to  their  maize  lands 
on  Manhattan  Island  and  the  Governor  said  that  they,  "if  they  desire  it, 
be  admitted  with  their  wives  and  children,  to  plant  upon  this  Island,  but 
nowhere  else,  if  they  remove;  and  that  it  be  upon  the  north  point  of  the 
Island  near  Spuyten  Duyvel."  3 

Mrs.  Mary  A.  Bolton  Post,  in  writing  to  the  editor  of  "The  Evening 
Post,"  June  19th  of  the  year  of  the  opening  of  the  Harlem  Ship  Canal  (1895), 
speaks  of  some  Indians  who  were  allowed  to  camp  on  the  south  side  of  Spuy- 
ten Duyvil  Creek  on  the  Bolton  property  in  1817.  Ruttenber  says  that  the 
Reckgawawanos  had  their  principal  village  at  Yonkers,  but  that  on  Berrien's 
Neck  (Spuyten  Duyvil  Hill)  was  situated  their  castle  or  fort  called  Nipinich- 
sen.  This  fort  was  protected  by  a  strong  stockade  and  commanded  the  ro- 
mantic scenery  of  the  Papirinimen,  or  Spuyten  Duyvil  Creek,  and  the 
Mahicanituk  (Hudson  River),  the  junction  of  which  was  called  the  Shor- 
ackappock.  It  was  from  this  castle  that  the  Indians  came  who  attacked 
Hudson  on  his  return  down  the  river.4  Some  small  shell  deposits  occur  on 
Spuyten  Duyvil  Hill,  but  as  yet  this  "castile"  has  not  been  definitely  located. 
The  village  site  at  Yonkers,  according  to  Mr.  James,  is  now  covered  by 
buildings;  but  several  relics  found  near  the  site  years  ago  are  now  in  the 
Manor  Hall  at  that  place  (1904). 

Judging  from  these  references,  we  might  conclude  that  the  territory 
occupied  by  the  tribe  commonly  known  as  Manhattans  included  Manhattan 
Island  and  that  part  of  the  mainland  which  is  west  of  the  Bronx  River  north 
to  Yonkers,  and  that  these  Indians  were  a  sub-tribe  of  the  Wappinger  division 
of  the  Mohicans. 


1  History  of  Harlem,  p.  151. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  366. 

3  Ibid.,  p.  369. 

*  Ruttenber,  pp.  77-78. 


THE  INDIANS  OF  WASHINGTON  HEIGHTS. 

BY 

REGINALD  PELHAM  BOLTON. 


Introduction. 


The  earliest  history  of  the  City  of  New  York  is  especially  associated 
with  the  northern  portion  of  the  Island  of  Manhattan,  and  it  is  a  remarkable 
fact  that  the  long-retarded  development  of  the  locality  has  preserved  to  this 
late  date  many  of  the  actual  evidences  of  aboriginal  life,  of  which,  in  the 
lower  and  middle  part  of  the  island,  all  traces  were  long  since  swept  away. 
It  is  therefore,  not  only  with  a  particular  degree  of  definiteness,  but  with  the 
peculiar  interest  attaching  to  many  visible  remains  of  the  past,  that  the  his- 
tory of  Washington  Heights  is  fraught.  Three  hundred  years  have  elapsed 
since  that  period  when,  prior  to  the  advent  of  Henry  Hudson,  Manhattan 
was  the  undisturbed  domain  of  the  Red  man.  The  rugged  heights  from 
Manhattanville  to  Spuyten  Duyvil,  which  bore  the  native  name  of  "Penad- 
nic,"  or  perhaps  more  properly,  "Pen-atn-ik,"  "the  sloping  mountain," 
whose  densely  wooded  sides  formed  a  refuge  for  innumerable  wild  beasts 
and  birds,  were  traversed  by  the  natives  on  a  trail,  which,  following  the  line 
of  least  resistance,  mounted  from  Harlem,  on  the  present  general  course  of 
Avenue  Saint  Nicholas,  to  168th  Street,  and  thence,  as  Broadway  now  runs, 
to  Dyckman  Street.  At  this  point,  it  is  most  probable  that  the  trail  divided, 
leading  in  several  directions  to  the  residential  localities  or  camp-sites  of  the 
natives  around  the  Inwood  valley,  two  of  which  paths  probably  extended 
to  the  Spuyten  Duyvil  Creek,  at  points  available  for  crossing  to  the  mainland. 
Of  these,  one  was  a  shallow  place  long  thereafter  known  as  "The  Wading 
Place,"  close  to  the  present  Kingsbridge,  at  that  portion  of  the  creek  which 
was  known  to  the  natives  as  Pa-pir-i-nemin,  "the  place  where  the  stream 
is  shut,"  a  term  which  was  applied  to  the  water  way,  as  well  as  to  the  abutting 
lands  on  Marble  Hill,  and  at  Kingsbridge. 

Another,  and  perhaps  a  more  important  path,  led  to  that  secluded  and 
still  undisturbed  dell  below  the  east  side  of  the  end  of  Inwood  Hill,  which  is 
now  known  locally,  as  the  "Cold  Spring  Hollow,"  where,  among  overhang- 
ing masses  of  rocks  detached  from  the  lofty  cliff,  a  secure  refuge  was  afforded 
from  winter's  storms  and  from  hostile  observation,  a  spot  known  to  the  Red 
Man  as,  Sho-ra-kap-kok.  or  "the  sitting-down  place."  This  has  been  ren- 
dered, "a  portage,"  and  may  well  have  been  so,  since  it  was  in  direct  line 
between  the  Harlem  and  the  Hudson  River.     The  marshy  bed  through 


77 


78  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


which  the  creek  then  wound  (and  in  part  still  winds)  its  devious  way,  was 
shallow  enough  near  the  spring  to  permit  communication  with  the  mainland 
at  Spuyten  Duyvil  Hill,  on  the  crest  of  which  was  a  large  native  village, 
strongly  protected  by  a  girdle  of  palisades  and  known  as  "  a  small  water- 
place,"  or  Nip-nich-sen. 

The  native  occupants  of  this  part  of  the  Island  of  Manhattan  were  mem- 
bers of  a  local  band,  known  as  Weck-quas-kecks  or  Wick-quas-keeks.  Their 
speech  was  Algonkian,  their  group  Mohican,  their  tribe,  Wapanachi,  their 
sub-division,  Siwanoy,  and  they  and  their  neighbors,  the  Reck-ga-wa-wancs, 
divided  the  nomadic  occupation  of  lower  Westchester  County  and  of  the 
Upper  part  of  Manhattan  Island. 

The  term  Manhattans,  it  may  be  noted,  was  merely  indicative  of  those 
Indians  from  whom  the  name  was  learned,  and  to  whom  it  was  applied, 
being  the  men  encountered  upon  Man-ah-atn,  "the  island  of  hills." 

The  Reck-ga-wa-wancs,  whose  chief  in  1639  was  Rechewack,  seem  to 
have  made  their  headquarters  at  Ran-ach-qua,  a  considerable  village  on  the 
Acquehung,  or  Bronx  River,  and  at  a  fishing  headquarters,  of  which  they 
made  great  use  in  certain  seasons,  at  Rech-a-wan-is  or  Montagne's  Point, 
on  the  shore  of  the  Bay  of  Hell  Gate,  near  110th  Street,  and  also  at  another 
site  at  121st  Street  and  Pleasant  Avenue,  in  the  same  locality. 

The  Wick-quas-keeks'  chief  village  was  Nip-nich-sen,  the  defensible 
and  palisaded  position  on  the  summit  of  Spuyten  Duyvil  Hill,  which  was 
located  where  the  public  school  building  now  stands;  but  recent  discoveries 
indicate  that  a  large  part  of  the  band  made  their  home,  and  their  resort  for 
oystering,  fishing  and  ceremonial  observances,  in  the  sheltered  valley  of  the 
Dvekman  tract,  now  generally  known  by  its  modern  title  of  Inwood. 

This  favored  valley,  affording  several  very  desirable  positions  for  native 
residence,  bore  among  them  the  general  title  of  its  tribal  occupants,  Wick- 
quas-keek,  or,  as  the  name  became  corrupted  in  colonial  times,  Wickers- 
creek.  Situated  between  the  noble  Mai-kan-e-tuk,  or  Hudson,  the  great 
"river  of  ebb  and  flow,"  on  the  west,  and  placid  Muscoota,  or  Harlem,  on 
the  east,  and  lying  in  a  basin  surrounded  by  the  Pen-atn-ik  Hills  to  the  south 
and  west,  the  Nip-nich-sen  and  Papirinemin  Hills  on  the  north,  and  the 
range  of  Kes-kes-kick,  or  Fordham  Heights,  to  the  east,  no  more  ideal  place 
could  well  be  found  for  native  occupancy.  It  is  not  therefore  surprising, 
that  at  a  number  of  points  in  and  around  this  valley,  the  remains  of  Indian 
occupation  have  been,  and  at  this  date  are  still  numerous,  and  that  it  appears 
to  have  been  inhabited  by  quite  a  considerable  population,  and  for  a  great 
length  of  time. 

As  in  later  years  of  military  strife,  the  commanding  heights  of  Fort 
George  Hill  overlooked  the*entire  scene,  and  afforded  a  wide  range  of  vision 


1909.] 


Bolton,  Washington  Heights. 


79 


in  all  directions.  Native  objects  taken  from  the  soil  in  the  area  between 
191st  and  196th  streets,  and  Amsterdam  and  Eleventh  (or  St.  Nicholas) 
Avenue,  indicate  its  use  as  a  place  of  residence  and  probably  of  observation 
while  a  large  crevice  in  the  rocks  on  Fort  George  Avenue,  may  have  afforded 
a  shelter  for  an  outlook.  Across  the  vale  to  the  west,  at  181st  Street,  was  a 
large  clearing  in  the  woods,  on  which  the  natives  raised  maize  to  such  an 
extent,  that  it  was  known  to  the  early  settlers  as  the  ''Great  Maize  Land," 
or  Indian  Field,  and  on  Jeffrey's  Hook,  now  known  as  Fort  Washington 
Point,  deposits  of  shells,  in  which  fragments  of  native  pottery  have  been 
found,  attest  the  use  of  this  bold  promontory  as  a  place  of  occupation. 

The  little  brook,  rising  in  the  high  ground  at  180th  Street  just  west  of 
Fort  Washington  Avenue,  made  its  way  down  the  present  line  of  Bennett 
Avenue,  to  194th  Street,  and  crossing  the  trail  at  that  point,  entered  the 
marshy  lowland  on  its  way  to  that  deep  indentation  of  the  Harlem  below 
Fort  George  Hill,  the  Dutch  Half-kill,  now  known  as  Sherman's  Creek,  into 
which  another  stream  entered,  rising  in  the  neighborhood  of  Seaman  Avenue. 

Where  the  brook  and  trail  crossed  at  194th  Street  and  Broadway  a  favor- 
able sloping  bank  still  used  for  truck  farming,  was  utilized  as  a  camp-site 
by  natives,  and  perhaps  the  massive  overhanging  rocks  below  Fort  Tryon 
between  194th  and  198th  Street  on  the  west  side  of  Broadway,  may  have 
afforded  them  some  shelter  in  winter. 

Along  the  east  side  on  Inwood  Hill,  from  Academy  Street  to  the  Creek, 
numerous  remains  indicate  a  considerable  occupation,  easily  traced  at  present 
along  the  recently-opened  line  of  Seaman  Avenue.  Between  Academy  and 
Hawthorne  Streets,  many  evidences  of  the  work  of  native  artificers  in  the 
manufacture  and  repair  of  spear  and  arrow-heads  point  to  long  continued 
residence.  In  the  field,  still  farmed  upon  the  estate  of  Mr.  William  B. 
Isham,  at  Seaman  and  Isham  Avenues,  a  planting  ground  was  evidently 
cultivated,  the  native  tools  therein  found,  the  rich  soil  and  favored  location 
combining  to  indicate  its  use. 

In  the  middle  space  of  the  valley,  in  full  sight  of  the  surrounding  heights, 
and  of  the  Nipnichsen  village,  the  tribal  ceremonies  were  probably  held, 
for  at  211-213  Streets,  just  west  of  10th  Avenue,  pits  containing  oyster  shells, 
packed  over  and  around  the  remains  of  a  dog,  and  accompanied  by  broken 
pottery,  suggest  the  observance  of  the  long-surviving  aboriginal  ceremony 
of  the  White  Dog  feast  and  burial. 

Along  the  bank  of  the  Spuyten  Duyvil  Creek,  now  largely  wiped  out  by 
the  ship  canal,  were,  and  in  some  places  are  still,  certain  shell  deposits,  and 
along  the  west  bank  of  the  Harlem,  at  219th,  213th,  210th  and  202nd  Streets 
various  objects  of  interest  attest  the  one-time  presence  of  the  Indians.  An- 
other such  favorite  spot  for  the  fisherman  of  the  tribe,  as  it  was  long  after 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


4  4  4  Hi  4  4 


o 

3- 


4  "C* 
"Or,     i"  o 
«      O  <0 


Z 

O 

< 

h 

h 

h 

< 

D 

X 

u 

z 

N 

< 

z  O 

is; 

< 

u 

a 

0- 

2 

1o 

K  ^ 


v) 

SO 

o 
0 

£ 

o 

o 

JO 
"0 

< 


<o2 


0  ^  £ 
•I) 


in 


0 

-to 


<0 


<0 


0 


10 
0 


fC  >0  v) 
n  io 


I) 
< 


1909.] 


Bolton,  Washington  Heights. 


81 


for  his  colonial  successors,  was  the  "Little  Sand  Bay"  at  Tubby  Hook, 
just  south  of  Dyckman  Street,  on  the  east  side  of  the  Hudson  River  Railroad, 
where,  amid  the  still  existent  remains  of  primeval  occupation,  and  surrounded 
by  the  same  wild  rocks  that  sheltered  their  rude  huts  of  bark,  the  interested 
visitor  may  stand  to-day  and  view  the  same  noble  scene  of  flowing  river 
and  palisaded  background.  It  is,  however,  at  Shora-kap-kok,  among  the 
romantic  tangle  of  wildwood  and  precipice,  through  which  a  woodland  foot- 
path winds  towards  the  "Spouting  Spring,"  that  the  most  extensive  shell 
deposits  may  be  found,  massive  heaps  covered  by  the  acres  of  brushwood, 
out  of  which,  hard  by  the  spring,  a  magnificent  tulip  tree  has  reared  its  lofty 
form,  the  largest  and  perhaps  the  oldest  tree  in  the  upper  part  of  the  island. 
Here  too,  the  interested  investigator  will  find  the  actual  rock-shelters  under 
the  cliff,  from  which  were  taken  by  Mr.  Alexander  Chenoweth,  in  1895,  suc- 
cessive layers  of  aboriginal  pottery  and  implements,  and  remains  of  food 
which  are  now  in  the  Museum. 

Here,  in  the  solitude  of  wild  nature,  it  will  take  but  little  efforts  of  the 
imagination  to  bring  before  the  mind  the  scene,  when  the  bustling  horde  of 
Wick-quas-keeks  swarmed  about  the  rocks,  through  the  woods,  and  along 
the  bank  of  the  creek,  the  men  hauling  from  their  log  canoes,  "napsia" 
baskets  filled  with  oysters,  opening  and  drying  their  succulent  contents  for 
the  purpose  of  food  or  trade;  the  squaws  mending  grass  nets  and  fishing 
lines,  filling  the  cooking  pots  with  red-hot  stones  from  the  wood  fires,  the 
smoke  of  which  blackened  and  the  heat  of  which  split  the  sides  of  the  rocks 
beneath  which  they  were  kindled;  the  children  bearing  water  from  the 
spring,  playing  games  of  skill  with  knuckle  bones,  or  shooting  with  favorite 
toy  bow  and  arrow,  while  the  papooses,  with  baby  stolidity,  were  perched 
near  the  crackling  fires,  sucking  the  bones  of  the  latest  toothsome  addition 
to  the  larder,  be  it  deer  or  dog.  Or  amid  the  wintry  snows,  when  the  fires 
were  kindled  inside  the  rock-shelters,  and  in  the  bark-huts  erected  on  the 
shell  heaps,  one  can  readily  picture  the  same  occupants  wrapped  in  furry 
bear,  downy  beaver,  or  silky  deerskins,  huddled  around  the  crackling  logs 
pounding  corn,  boiling  sapsis,  scraping  hides,  splitting  pebbles  and  flints, 
and  longing  for  the  spring's  return. 

Into  this  peaceful  and  simple  existence,  one  bright  afternoon  in  Septem- 
ber, in  1609,  came  the  astonishing  news  of  the  advent,  on  the  broad  bosom 
of  the  Mai-kan-e-tuk,  of  the  Sea-Monster  Or  devil-canoe,  which  had  arrived 
ten  days  before  in  the  lower  bay,  and  of  which  no  doubt  stories,  almost 
unbelievable,  had  already  reached  their  band,  on  which  craft  were  re- 
ported to  be  white-faced  men  dressed  in  strange  clothing,  and  possessing 
the  most  fascinating  objects,  hatchets  and  knives,  alluring  to  mankind,  and 
colored  beads  fascinating  to  squaws,  which  might  be  procured  from  them 


82 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Xatural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


by  exchange.  The  "Remonstrance"  of  1649,  recites  that  "even  at  the 
present  day,  the  natives  of  the  country  (who  are  so  old  as  to  remember 
the  event)  testify:  that  on  seeing  the  Dutch  ships  on  their  first  coming  here, 
they  knew  not  what  to  make  of  them,  and  could  not  comprehend  whether 
they  came  down  from  Heaven,  or  whether  they  were  Devils.  Some  among 
them,  on  its  first  approach  even  imagined  it  to  be  a  fish,  or  some  sea-monster, 
so  that  strange  rumor  concerning  it  flew  throughout  the  whole  country." 

As  the  Halve  Maen  floated  up  with  the  tide  towards  Xip-nich-sen,  the 
community  no  doubt  turned  out  in  a  body  and  swarmed  to  points  of  vantage 
on  Inwood  and  Spuyten  Duyvil  Hills,  under  shelter  of  trees  and  rocks,  as  the 
vessel  came  to  an  anchor  off  the  shore,  probably  at  a  point  just  south  of  Fort 
Washington  Park,  in  view  of  the  loftiest  point  of  the  Palisades  up-stream, 
"which  showed  out  to  us,"  as  the  ship's  log  runs,  "bearing  north  by  east 
five  leagues  off  us."  The  next  morning,  before  the  southeast  breeze,  she 
went  up  river,  followed  by  many  a  wondering  gaze;  and  then  came  news 
from  the  native  neighbors  on  the  lower  part  of  the  island  that  two  of  their 
number  had  been  detained  on  the  ship,  and  were  now  carried  off  upon  her, 
while  another,  who  had  been  taken  in  similar  manner  had  escaped. 

On  the  first  of  October,  the  vessel  re-appeared,  coming  down  the  river 
before  a  northwest  wind,  but,  meeting  the  flood  tide  off  the  mouth  of  the 
creek,  came  to  anchor  there.  The  occurrences  which  followed,  are  told  in 
detail  by  Robert  Juet,  in  the  Journal  of  Hudson's  Voyage.  "Then  came  one 
of  the  savages  that  swamme  away  from  us  at  our  going  up  the  river,  with 
many  others,  thinking  to  betray  us,  but  we  perceived  their  intent,  and 
suffered  none  of  them  to  enter  our  ship." 

The  revengeful  nature  of  the  Red  Man,  however,  had  been  aroused  by 
the  detention  of  the  hostages  whom  Hudson  had  seized,  and,  as  the  ship  lay 
with  her  head  down-stream,  waiting  the  turn  of  the  tide,  they  made  an  attack 
upon  the  vessel.  "Two  canoes  full  of  men,  with  their  bows  and  arrows  shot 
at  us  after  our  sterne:  In  recompence  whereof  we  discharged  six  muskets, 
and  killed  two  or  three  of  them." 

Thus  was  started  the  blood  feud  between  the  Red  and  White  man  on 
our  island,  and  the  stupidly  revengeful  action,  immediately  aroused  the 
whole  local  community,  so  that,  as  the  ship  weighed  and  slowly  floated  down 
river  on  the  ebb,  "above  an  hundred  of  them  came  to  a  point  of  land  to  shoot 
at  us."  The  ship  would  have  passed  close  to  Fort  Washington  Point,  so 
that  the  natives  swarmed  the  woods  at  close  range.  "There  I  shot  a  falcon 
at  them,"  the  first  cannon  that  ever  woke  the  echoes  of  our  hills,  "and  killed 
two  of  them,  whereupon  the  rest  fled  into  the  woods,"  scared  no  doubt  by 
the  thunderous  explosion.  "Yet  they  manned  off  another  canoe  with  nine 
or  ten  men,"  "which  came  to  meet  us,"  probably  from  the  little  cove  below 


1909.] 


Bolton,  Washington  Heights. 


83 


the  Point,  "So  I  shot  at  it  also  a  falcon,  and  shot  it  through  and  killed  one 
of  them.  Then  our  men  with  their  muskets,  killed  three  or  foure  more  of 
them.    So  they  went  their  way." 

We  may  well  imagine  the  excitement  and  rage  of  the  Wiek-quas-keeks 
after  this  affair,  and  the  descriptions  of  it  which  would  be  spread  abroad  and 
handed  on  to  the  younger  members  of  the  tribe,  to  perpetuate  a  distrust  and 
enmity  which  would  bear  fearful  fruit  a  third  of  a  century  later. 

We  are  not  without  detailed  description  of  our  primeval  predecessors 
upon  the  island  of  Manhattan,  for  the  Hollanders  recorded  many  of  their 
impressions  of  aboriginal  peculiarities.  We  may  assume  that  they  possessed 
the  usual  characteristics,  the  stolid  demeanor,  the  crafty  methods,  and 
revengeful  nature  of  the  Indian,  all  of  which  were  exhibited  in  their  dealings 
with  the  White  intruders.  These  local  bands  appear  to  have  had,  in  addition, 
some  particular  local  habits.  They  painted  their  faces  with  red,  blue,  and 
yellow  pigments,  to  such  a  distortion  of  their  features,  that,  as  one  sententious 
Dominie  expressed  it,  "They  look  like  the  devil  himself."  Their  depend- 
ence on  supplies  of  game  and  fish  caused  their  removal  from  one  place  to 
another,  semi-annually,  and  we  read  of  their  removal  to  a  summer  "hunting- 
ground"  in  Westchester,  whence  the  band  returned  to  "Wickers  Creek," 
for  the  winter  shelter,  and  to  resume  their  occupation  of  oystering  and 
fishing  in  the  Harlem  and  Spuyten  Duyvil  Creek. 

As  for  dress,  "They  go,"  said  Juet,  "in  deerskins,  loose  well-dressed, 
some  in  mantles  of  feathers,  and  some  in  skins  of  divers  sorts  of  good  f urres. 
They  had  red  copper  tobacco  pipes,  and  other  things  of  copper  they  doe 
weare  about  their  neckes." 

No  copper  objects  have  been  found  in  upper  Manhattan,  probably  their 
metallic  stock  was  bartered  away  with  the  early  colonists,  for  in  1625,  De 
Laet  described  their  use  of  "Stone  pipes  for  smoking  tobacco." 

As  regards  their  food,  the  evident  abundance  and  size  of  the  local  oyster 
shells  shows  that  they  possessed  in  them  a  ready  source  of  subsistence.  As 
soon  as  Hudson's  ship  reached  the  neighborhood  of  Greenwich,  where  the 
Indian  Village  Sappokanikan,  was  located,  the  natives  "brought  great  store 
of  very  good  oysters  aboard,  which  we  bought  for  trifles."  De  Laet  (1625) 
says,  "their  food  is  maize,  crushed  fine  and  baked  in  cakes,  with  fish,  birds 
and  wild  game."    Van  der  Donck  and  others  wrote  in  1649:  — 

"Their  fare,  or  food,  is  poor  and  gross,  for  they  drink  water,  having  no  other 
beverage;  they  eat  the  flesh  of  all  sorts  of  game  that  the  country  supplies,  even 
badgers,  dogs,  eagles  and  similar  trash,  which  Christians  in  no  way  regard;  these 
they  cook  and  use  uncleansed  and  undressed." 

"Moreover,  all  sorts  of  fish;  likewise,  snakes,  frogs  and  such  like,  which  they 
usually  cook  with  the  offals  and  entrails." 


84  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


"They  know  also,  how  to  preserve  fish  and  meete  for  the  winter,  in  order  then  to 
cook  them  with  Indian  meal." 

"They  make  their  bread,  but  of  very  indifferent  quality,  of  maize,  which  they 
also  cook  whole,  or  broken  in  wooden  mortars." 

"The  women  likewise  perform  this  labor,  and  make  a  apa  or  porridge  called  by 
some,  Sapsis,  by  other,  Duundare,  which  is  their  daily  food,  they  mix  this  also  thor- 
oughly with  little  beans,  of  different  colors,  raised  by  themselves;  this  is  esteemed 
by  them  rather  as  a  dainty  than  as  a  daily  dish." 

Their  weapons  were,  of  course,  the  usual  aboriginal  bow,  arrow7,  spear, 
club  and  tomahawk,  though  but  a  few  years  later,  they  had  acquired  from 
the  settlers  enough  fire-arms  to  become  exceedingly  expert  in  their  use. 
"Now,  those  residing  near,  or  trading  considerably  with  the  Christians, 
make  use  of  fire- locks  and  hatchets,  which  they  obtain  in  barter.  They 
are  excessively  fond  of  guns;  spare  no  expense  on  them,  and  are  so  expert 
with  them,  that  in  this  respect  they  excell  many  Christians."  Many  of  their 
discarded  neolithic  weapons  have  been  found,  and  these  exhibit  a  wide 
variety  of  material  and  workmanship,  indicating  considerable  acquisitions 
from  other  tribes  and  localities.  Their  household  utensils  included  "mats 
and  wooden  dishes,"  and  Juet  refers  to  their  "pots  of  earth  to  dresse  their 
meats  in,"  and  speaks  also  of  the  women  bringing  "hempe."  The  character 
of  the  grass  mats  which  the  women  wove  is  to  be  seen  in  the  imprints  made 
with  such  material  upon  the  outer  surface  of  some  of  the  local  pottery. 
They  also  made  the  grass  baskets,  often  referred  to  in  early  records,  as 
"napsas."  The  pots  of  earth  were  the  large  earthenware  vessels  made  by 
the  Indian  women,  on  the  decorations  of  the  rims  and  upper  portions  of 
which,  these  poor  creatures  expended  all  their  ingenuity  and  sense  of  art. 

Of  these  objects,  there  remain  a  number  of  interesting  examples  dis- 
covered in  upper  Manhattan,  the  most  complete,  and  at  the  same  time, 
most  artistic,  being  the  fine  Iroquoian  vessel  discovered  by  Mr.  W.  L. 
Calver,  on  the  south  side  of  214th  Street,  about  100  feet  east  of  10th  Avenue, 
in  the  fall  of  1906.  The  large  vases  found  in  broken  condition  in  the  cave 
at  Cold  Spring,  are  of  the  cruder  and  therefore,  earlier  design  of  the  original, 
Algonkian  inhabitants,  who  at  a  later  period,  probably  by  barter,  and 
perhaps  by  inter-marriage,  acquired  or  learned  the  art  of  Iroquoian  design 
and  decoration. 

Of  the  period  during  which  the  race  occupied  this  locality,  we  can  only 
make  conjectures.  The  extent  and  character  of  the  shell  heaps  at  Cold 
Spring  and  the  pits  and  burials  at  Seaman  Avenue,  certainly  indicate  a 
settlement  of  large  numbers  or  of  considerable  age.  The  ceremonial  pits 
at  212th  Street,  and  certain  remains  of  aboriginal  feasting,  such  as  fish  bones 
and  oyster  shells,  appeared  to  exist  at  a  level  below  the  graves  of  the  slaves 
of  the  settlers,  buried  at  that  place. 


1909.] 


Bolton,  Washington  Heights. 


85 


While  these  conjectures  may  carry  back  the  period  of  occupancy  to 
antiquity,  the  tools  and  weapons  are  all  of  the  modern  order,  and  no  objects 
of  true  paleolithic  character  have  been  discovered,  so  that  we  have  as  yet, 
nothing  definitely  reaching  back  into  the  remote  ages  of  the  most  primitive 
mankind,  although  on  Hunt's  Point  in  the  Bronx,  at  no  great  distance  away 
from  our  island,  a  very  interesting  rude  ax  and  a  hammer  were  discovered 
by  Mr.  Calver  in  a  gravel-pit,  near  the  old  Hunt  burying-ground. 

Aboriginal  Remains  on  Washington  Heights. 

The  objects  of  an  aboriginal  character,  which  have  been  discovered 
upon  the  upper  part  of  Manhattan  Island,  afford  a  good  deal  of  infor- 
mation as  to  the  nature  and  habits  of  the  natives.  The  story  of  the  first 
discovery  of  aboriginal  objects  in  this  locality  is  worth  preserving,  and  may 
show  on  how  slight  a  matter  may  hinge  the  direction  which  is  given  to 
archaeological  attention,  which  in  this  instance,  if  not  given  at  the  time, 
would  in  all  probability  have  resulted  in  the  destruction,  by  building  and 
street  opening,  of  most  of  the  evidences  of  primeval  life,  which  the  work 
of  Mr.  W.  L.  Calver  has  preserved.  It  was  in  the  spring  of  the  year  1890, 
that,  during  a  search  for  Revolutionary  relics,  he  became  acquainted  with 
James  McGuey,  a  resident  of  Inwood,  with  whom  a  casual  observation  of 
the  ground  at  Seaman  Avenue  and  Academy  Street  was  made.  Here,  a 
number  of  arrow-heads  and  a  hammerstone,  were  discovered  together  with 
a  fragment  of  Indian  pottery.  This  little  surface  find  started  the  explorers' 
interest  in  this  direction  and  McGuey  extended  his  investigations  to  the 
land  on  the  south  side  of  Dyckman  Street  which  was  then  being  opened, 
where  he  secured  a  number  of  fragments  of  pottery.  At  this  place,  which 
is  known  as  "The  Knoll,"  there  were  a  number  of  rude  stones  set  in  such 
positions  as  to  indicate  the  presence  of  graves.  The  information  of  these 
finds  spreading,  they  were  dug  into  by  several  residents  who  found  therein 
a  number  of  skeletons  which  the  newspaper  accounts  described  as  abo- 
riginal. The  presence  of  buttons  and  other  colonial  objects,  however, 
disproved  this  fanciful  theory,  and  the  discovery  of  the  first  indisputable 
Indian  burial  was  not  made  until  1907  by  W.  L.  Calver  and  the  writer, 
in  Seaman  Avenue.     (Fig.  6.) 

The  wanderings  of  the  first  two  explorers  led  them  to  the  shell  heaps 
at  Cold  Spring  Hollow  where  their  search  was  soon  rewarded  by  many 
objects  of  aboriginal  character.  Others  were  found  by  them,  at  the  foot 
of  Dyckman  Street  near  the  Hudson  River  bank,  and  at  large  shell  heaps 
near  the  then  Kingsbridge  Road  (Broadway)  on  the  line  of  the  present 


86 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  oj  Natural  History.    [Vol.  Ill, 


J  L 


Fig.  6.  Location  of  Burials,  Pits  and  Shell-beds  near  Inwood.  1.  Human  remains. 
2.  Shell  pit,  deer  antler.  3.  Shell  pit.  4.  Shell  pit,  pottery.  5.  Shell  pits.  6.  Shell  pit, 
sturgeon  below.  7.  Shell  pit,  sturgeon  scales.  8.  Shell  pit.  9.  Shell  pit.  10.  Human 
remains.  11.  Fire  pit.  12.  Shell  pit.  13.  Dog  burial,  puppy.  14.  Shell  pit.  15.  Part  of  a 
jar.  16.  Shell  pit.  fish  and  meat  bones.  17.  Shell  pits.  18.  Two  dogs  in  shell  pit.  19.  Human 
skeleton,  1907.  19a.  Female  skeleton,  1908.  20.  Human  remains  when  house  was  built. 
21.  Small  fire  pits,  Revolutionary.  22.  Large  shell  pit.  23.  Large  shell  pit.  24.  Shell  pit. 
25.  Dog  burial.  26,  27,  28.  Shell  pits.  29.  Two  human  skeletons,  male  and  female.  30. 
Revolutionary  fireplace  "Royal  Mariners"  and  "17th"  31.  Skeleton  and  infant,  female. 
32.  Skeleton  (Chenoweth,  1908).  33.  Revolutionary  fireplace,  71st,  officers'  buttons.  D, 
Dyckman  dwelling.    R1,  R2.  Revolutionary  fireplaces.    R3.  Revolutionary  well. 


1909.] 


Bolton,  Washington  Heights. 


87 


Ship  Canal.  The  soapstone  pipe,  Plate  xvn,  Fig.  4,  was  also  found  near 
the  same  highway,  bearing  upon  it  a  rude  representation  of  a  human  face. 
At  209th  to  211th  Streets  along  the  shore  of  the  Harlem  River,  a  number 
of  shell  deposits  proclaimed  the  one-time  presence  of  the  Indian,  and  with 
them  were  found  bones  of  deer  and  split  bones  of  other  animals,  although 
the  surface  of  these  deposits  had  been  much  disturbed  by  the  plows\)f 
the  Dyckmans. 

Near  this  spot,  on  January  27,  1895,  Mr.  Calver  found  the  first  of  the 
dog  burials  (250)1  which  have  since  then  been  discovered  in  a  number  of 
places  around  In  wood  Vale.  This  skeleton,  together  with  fragments  of 
pottery  was  found  beneath  a  compact  mass  of  oyster  shells  about  eighteen 
inches  deep.    The  skeleton  was  incomplete  and  evidently  disposed  at  the 


Fig.  7  a  (1-3942),  b  (1-3944),  c,  d  (Bolton  and  Calver  Collection).  Implements  of  Bone 
and  Horn,  Van  Cortlandt  Park.    Length  of  a,  14.5  cm. 

bottom  of  the  pit  with  -  intention  and  care,  probably  indicating  that  the 
animal  was  sacrificed  in  some  such  ceremonial  as  the  "White  Dog  Feast" 
of  the  Onondagas,  which  has  survived  to  recent  times.  Of  these  burials 
one  (250)  was  found  at  209th  Street  and  9th  Avenue,  another  (251)  at  210th 
Street  and  10th  Avenue,  another  among  a  series  of  pits  around  the  base 
of  the  hillock  in  which  were  found  the  remains  of  the  negro  slaves  of  the 
early  settlers,  at  212th  Street  and  10th  Avenue.  This  latter  was  opened  by 
Messrs.  Edward  Hagaman  Hall  and  W.  L.  Calver  and  was  found  to  con- 
tain with  the  skeleton  of  a  dog,  fragments  of  a  vase,  Fig.  8.  Other  pits 
at  this  place  contained  the  bones  of  a  turtle  and  a  snake,  and  one  con- 
tained large  fish  bones  (281),  possibly  the  remains  of  a  necklace. 

During  the  year  1907  Mr.  Calver  and  the  writer  discovered  numerous 


1  Reference  numbers  are  those  of  the  Calver  Collection. 


88  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


shell  pits  in  Seaman  Avenue,  (Plate  xiii),  one  of  which,  not  far  from  the 
first  human  burial  (291)  contained  the  skeletons  of  two  dogs  (252),  one 
much  smaller  than  the  other,  which,  together  with  some  pottery,  lay  under 
a  mass  of  oysters,  and  nearby  was  a  rather  shallow  pile  of  oyster  shells, 
below  which  lay  the  remains  of  a  puppy  (253).  Across  the  avenue,  close 
to  the  human  burials  (291,  292)  a  shallow  pit  of  shells  and  debris  contained 
the  skeletons  of  two  puppies  (254).  These  dog  burials  may  have  been 
not  an  uncommon  feature  of  the  aboriginal  life  of  a  local  tribe. 

The  opening,  by  Mr.  Alexander  Chenoweth,  of  the  interior  of  the  cave 
at  Cold  Spring,  disclosed  a  large  number  of  objects,  showing  its  extended 
occupation  by  the  Red  man.  These  objects  are  now  in  the  Museum, 
where  they  form  an  interesting  collection.  Around  this  spot  many  other 
objects  were  found  indicating  the  use  of  this  sheltered  glade  by  the  wild 
animals  of  the  forest,  by  the  Indians,  and  by  their  successors,  the  soldiery 
of  the  Revolution.  The  mixed  character  of  such  objects  is  shown  by  No. 
268,  a  group  of  aboriginal  and  civilized  debris  taken  at  one  time  from  the 
soil  beneath  an  overhanging  rock,  the  surface  of  which  still  bears  traces 
of  the  fires  it  once  sheltered. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  places,  which  was  examined  with  consider- 
able thoroughness,  is  the  site  of  the  one-time  "Century  House,"  or  the 
Nagel  homestead,  and  perhaps  also  the  site  of  the  home  of  Tobias  Teunis- 
sen,  the  first  white  settler  in  this  locality  (p.  98).  Here,  on  the  river  bank 
at  213th  Street,  around  and  below  quantities  of  colonial,  Revolutionary 
and  more  modern  relics,  were  found  many  evidences  of  Indian  occupation. 
The  interesting  "banner  stone"  or  ceremonial  (Plate  xvn,  Fig.  6)  was 
found  here,  almost  two  feet  below  the  ground  in  1906;  its  state  indicating 
long  use,  its  fracture  and  repair,  and  final  second  breakage.  Among  oyster 
shells  of  abnormal  size  and  shape  were  found  a  fine  stone  tomahawk  (Plate 
xvn,  Fig.  11)  which  appears  to  have  been  utilized  as  a  rubbing  stone  or 
pestle,  a  beautifully  formed  war  arrow-head  of  black  chert,  a  flint  boring- 
tool  (211)  and  the  small  paint  cup  (229)  in  the  form  of  a  hollow  pebble 
such  as  are  found  on  the  beaches  of  Long  Island,  but  having  two  distinct 
nicks  on  its  edge.  Quite  near  this  cup  was  a  piece  of  brown  ochre  or  paint 
stone.  A  pestle  (212)  was  found  in  one  wall  of  the  old  building,  long 
buried  within  its  foundation,  and  close  to  the  dwelling,  but  well  below  the 
sods  was  the  bone  needle  (Fig.  7c).  Another  curious  find  of  a  needle  was 
number  239,  which  was  found  in  the  shell  pit  which  contained  the  remains 
of  the  two  puppies  on  Seaman  Avenue  (254). 

These  finds  culminated  in  the  discovery,  by  Mr.  W.  L.  Calver,  at  214th 
Street,  about  one  hundred  feet  east  of  10th  Avenue,  of  a  fine  jar  of  Iroquois 
pattern,  about  13  inches  in  diameter  and  height.    This  interesting  object 


1909.] 


Bolton,  Washington  Heights. 


89 


slightly  protruded  from  the  surface  of  a  newly  graded  bank  and  had  been 
missed  by  the  spades  of  the  laborers  by  no  more  than  an  inch  (Plate  xiv). 
It  lay  upon  its  side,  about  eighteen  inches  below  the  sods  and  was  quite 
intact.  It  has  an  old  break  in  the  rim  which  may  have  been  utilized  as 
a  spout,  and  a  hole  about  three  quarters  of  an  inch  in  diameter  in  the  body. 
This  jar  has  the  four  characteristic  prominences  of  rim,  around  which  the 
decoration  is  incised  in  diagonal  and  vertical  lines,  with  a  band  of  four 
lines  following  the  contour  (Plate  xv). 

These  finds  and  particularly  those  of  the  dog  burials,  stimulated  in- 
terest in  the  search  for  some 

traces  of  the  actual  aboriginal     

residents  of  this  section;   and       •'        ; 

manv  wrere  the  laborious  efforts  ; 
made  to  locate  such  remains.  < 
These  were  not  rewarded  until  :  ■ 
the  grading  away  of  the  base  of  i  ;: 
the  east  side  of  Inwood  Hill  for  ;  ■ 
the  opening  of  Seaman  Avenue,  \  j 
disclosed   a   large   number  of 

shell  pockets  or  pits  and  the  \  ! 
hasty  operations  of  the  laborers 
threw  out  with  these  a  few  frag- 
ments of  human  bones.  By  the 
number  and  variety  of  objects 
found  on  the  line  of  Seaman 
Avenue,  it  would  appear  that 
this  favored  spot  was  the  site  of 
a  considerable  encampment  or 
village.  It  occupies  the  sandy 
slope  at  the  base  of  the  east  side 
of  Inwood  Hill,  and  is  sheltered 
from  north  and  west  winds  and 

from  observation  from  the  Hudson  River.  Its  advantages  were  recognized 
in  the  Revolution  by  its  selection  as  one  of  the  largest  camps  of  that  period; 
wrhere  we  learn  from  Washington's  own  observations,  upwards  of  a  hundred 
tents  were  placed.  So,  remains  of  Revolutionary  warfare,  buttons,  badges, 
weapons,  missiles  and  camp  debris  are  found  scattered  over  the  same  area 
with  aboriginal  stone  weapons,  implements  and  pottery,  while  the  camp  fire 
of  the  British  soldiery  trenches  upon  the  fire  pit  of  the  Red  man,  or  may  even 
be  found  to  have  been  dug  into  the  shallow  grave  of  an  Indian  warrior. 
All  around  this  place  were  found,  in  recent  years,  numerous  surface  indi- 


Fig.  8  (Bolton  and  Calver  Collection).  Bottom 
of  an  Algonkin  Vessel,  Showing  a  Peculiar  Point. 
Manhattan  Island. 


90 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


cations  of  Indian  occupation,  including  a  large  number  of  fragments  of 
the  red  indurated  shale  of  New  Jersey,  worked  in  part  into  weapons,  while 
arrow-heads  of  varied  material  and  character  were  scattered  over  the  same 
space  (99-102  to  110,  168)  a  good  club-stone  (193)  was  found  here.  Here 
also  were  found  articles  of  less  sinister  character  such  as  stone  axes  (125- 
142)  hammerstones  (111  to  114-120-141)  used  for  pounding  nuts  and 
corn,  sinkers  (118-144-145)  used  for  fishing  nets,  pestles  (150),  a  celt 
(119),  a  gouge  (149)  and  a  tool  (158)  of  unknown  character.  These  objects 
were  scattered  over  the  area  extending  westward  from  Academy  Street  to 
and  beyond  Isham  Street  and  were  particularly  in  evidence  in  a  strip  of 
ground,  extending  from  Seaman  Avenue  to  Cooper  Street,  cultivated  by  a 
gardener  named  Corbett.  The  excavations  referred  to  (1907)  destroyed  a 
number  of  shell  pits  or  pockets  ere  they  could  be  investigated,  but  enough 
remained  to  establish  the  long  continued  use  of  the  location  by  the  abo- 
rigines. 

At  the  bottom  of  several  of  these  shell  pits  were  found  quantities  of 


Fig.  9  a  (20-3461),  b  (20-6 ">*»•>).  Incised  and  Stamped  Fragments  of  Algonkin  Pottery. 
Manhattan  Island. 


sturgeon  scales  c22~)  and  259)  accompanied  by  deer  prongs  in  one  case 
and  by  pottery  in  another.  Other  pits  contained  evidences  of  fire,  fire- 
stones,  pottery  and  animal  bones  (2(i()  and  261).  Among  the  debris  thrown 
into  the  street,  the  writer  found  the  first  evidence  of  human  remains  (284), 
a  fragment  of  a  skull  and  a  vertebra?.  The.  find  excited  attention  and  other 
fragments  were  soon  found  at  the  corner  of  Academy  Street  and  Seaman 
Avenue  (283).  Among  them  were  a  tooth  and  a  fragment  of  a  jaw.  A 
few  other  fragments  (285)  were  thrown  out  at  Hawthorne  Street.  It  thus 
became  evident  that  there  were  human  interments  in  the  vicinity,  and  in 
August  1907  the  first  burial  (291)  was  discovered  under  a  shell  pit  in  Cor- 
bett's  garden.  The  grading  process  had  been  extended  only  about  eight- 
een inches  below  the  sod,  but  had  sufficed  to  destroy  the  jaw  of  the  skeleton 
which  extended  upwards,  as  did  also  the  foot  bones.  The  bones  lay  in 
and  upon  a  close  mass  of  oyster  shells,  some  of  which  were  unopened,  the 


1909.] 


Bolton,  Washington  Heights. 


91 


skeleton  reclined  on  its  right  side,  facing  west.  The  arms  were  flexed  and 
crossed,  the  knees  bent  and  the  head  thrown  back.  No  traces  of  weapons 
were  found,  nor  were  there  any  other  objects  found,  save  a  fragment  of 
an  animal  bone. 

The  location  and  position  led  to  further  exploration  which  early  in  1908 
led  to  still  more  interesting  discoveries.  Sunday,  March  22nd,  being  the 
first  day  in  the  field  for  exploration  for  the  season  for  1908,  W.  L.  Calver 
and  the  writer  met  at  Seaman  Avenue  and  Hawthorne  Street,  Manhattan, 
to  discuss  plans  for  further  excavations  on  this  Indian  village  site.  The 
rains  of  the  winter  1907-8  had  washed  the  west  bank  where  the  layer 
of  oyster  shells  and  black  dirt  lay  along  the  hill,  and  a  patch  of  red  burnt 
earth  was  observed,  which  on  digging  out,  disclosed  a  fireplace,  evidently 
of  the  period  of  the  Revolution,  having  some  large  burnt  stones,  ashes, 
wood  charcoal,  brick,  broken  rum  bottles,  a  wine  glass  nearly  complete, 
a  large  open  clasp-knife  with  bone  handle,  a  hoop-iron  pot-hook,  various 
forged  head  nails,  and  a  curious  folding  corkscrew.  Gold  buttons  of 
Revolutionary  pattern  and  an  officer's  silver  button  of  the  Royal  Mariners, 
together  with  pewter  buttons  of  the  17th  Regiment  disclosed  who  had  occu- 
pied the  spot. 

At  one  part  of  this  fireplace,  we  came  upon  a  pocket  of  oyster  shells, 
evidently  Indian,  about  two  feet  deep,  and  on  removing  some  of  these  had 
the  good  fortune  to  uncover  a  human  thigh-bone.  We  worked  carefully 
into  the  shells  and  under  the  pocket,  gradually  disclosing  the  complete 
remains  of  a  full  grown  man  (293)  lying  on  its  right  side,  feet  to  the  north, 
head  facing  east,  knees  doubled,  up,  the  left  arm  extended  down  through 
the  thighs.  The  feet  had  been  within  the  area  of  the  hole  in  which  the 
Revolutionary  fireplace  had  been  made,  and  only  one  or  two  foot  bones 
were  found.  At  a  later  period  other  foot  bones  were  found  on  the  oppo- 
site side  of  the  Revolutionary  fireplace,  evidently  having  been  displaced  in 
its  construction.  The  right  arm  was  flexed,  and  the  hand  was  under  the 
head,  the  latter  was  intact  and  every  tooth  was  in  place.  Shells  had  been 
packed  over  the  body,  and  some  around  it.  We  were  much  puzzled  by  a 
number  of  human  bones,  lying  compactly  together  by  the  skeleton,  in  a 
position  that  would  have  been  in  its  lap  had  it  been  upright  (Plate  xvi). 

We  removed  the  skull,  covered  the  remains,  and  on  Sunday,  March 
29th,  renewed  the  work.  We  went  carefully  to  work  upon  the  cluster  of 
mixed  bones  (293b)  in  front  of  the  large  skeleton,  and  soon  found  them 
to  be  rather  compactly  arranged  in  a  rectangular  form  about  14  by  26 
inches,  the  long  bones  parallel.  The  vertebrae  abruptly  ended  parallel 
with  the  head  of  the  larger  skeleton,  and  after  working  some  time,  we 
found  a  skull  placed  below,  beneath  the  pile  of  bones  in  a  vertical  posi- 


92 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


tion,  facing  north,  the  lower  jaw  of  which  was  disengaged,  and  was  placed 
sideways  in  front  of  the  face.  The  back  of  the  skull  was  broken  in,  and 
was  black  with  marks  of  burning.  The  lower  jaw  was  burned,  and  some 
of  the  teeth  split  by  fire.  The  arm  and  leg  bones  were  charred  at  the  joints. 
Inside  the  skull  was  a  burned  toe  bone.  There  were  some  ovster  shells 
among  the  charred  remains. 

A  significant  fact  was  that  the  right  arm  bones  of  the  large  skeleton 
were  below  the  pile  of  burned  bones.  This  feature,  and  the  compact 
arrangement  of  the  latter  within  the  space  in  front  of  and  at  the  same  level 
as  the  large  skeleton,  seem  to  point  strongly  towards  an  intentional  arrange- 
ment of  these  bones,  in  front  of  the  large  corpse  and  to  indicate  the  simul- 
taneous burial  of  the  two  bodies.  On  examination,  the  large  skeleton 
proved  to  be  that  of  an  adult  male,  and  the  dismembered  remains  those 
of  a  female  of  about  35  years  of  age.  No  implements  were  found  with  the 
remains  but  a  part  of  a  stone  pestle  (231)  and  a  rude  celt  (232)  lay  under 
the  sod  among  the  oysters  above  the  large  skeleton. 

On  Sunday,  June  14,  1908,  another  burial  was  found  about  20  feet 
north  of  the  above.  This  burial  consisted  of  an  adult  skeleton  doubled 
up  and  its  back  much  curved,  and  was  apparently  that  of  a  female  of 
mature  age.  Between  the  knees,  the  remains  of  a  small  infant  were  laid, 
the  skull  of  the  latter  being  fragmentary.  The  right  hand  of  the  adult 
was  below  the  infant  and  the  left  hand  around  the  throat.  The  skull  was 
intact  and  had  nearly  all  the  teeth.  One  finger  bone  had  grown  together 
at  the  joint  in  a  crooked  position  apparently  due  to  disease.  On  lifting 
the  ribs  of  the  right  side,  an  arrow-head  of  Hint  fell  out  between  the  fourth 
and  fifth  bones.  These  skeletons  lay  about  two  and  a  half  feet  below  the 
grass,  and  a  pocket  of  oyster  shells  was  over  the  head.  The  woman's 
remains  lay  within  a  space  about  31  inches  long  by  50  inches  wide,  flat  in 
the  hard  red  sand  bed  facing  east. 

Shortly  after  these  remains  were  discovered,  Mr.  Chenoweth  extended 
the  excavation  previously  made  by  the  explorers  at  the  side  of  a  large  oyster 
shell  pit  in  the  same  bank  of  sand,  and  uncovered  a  male  skeleton  of  which 
he  preserved  the  skull.  Some  small  fragments  of  the  skeleton  (287)  were 
afterwards  found  by  the  writer  on  this  spot.  Contractors  for  the  sewer  in 
Seaman  Avenue  also  uncovered  the  remains  of  a  young  female  (290)  close 
to  the  position  of  several  of  the  shell  pits  previously  described. 

These  interments  have  some  curious  features.  The  position  of  the 
remains  facing  east,  sometimes  west,  the  absence  of  weapons  or  other 
objects  and  the  oyster  shells  packed  with  or  above  them  are  subjects  for 
interesting  discussion  on  which  future  finds  may  throw  much  light,  as  also 
upon  the  peculiar  double  burial  and  the  burnt  state  of  the  female  remains. 


1909.] 


Bolton,  Washington  Heights. 


93 


The  general  result  seems  to  indicate  that  the  Wick-qu as -keeks  had  special 
customs  and  ceremonies  of  which  the  dog-burial  was  one,  and  the  possible 
suttee  of  the  widow  of  a  sachem,  another.  The  use  of  the  shell  pits  partly 
for  shells  only,  partly  for  the  debris  of  feasts,  partly  for  dog  or  fish  burials 
and  partly  to  cover  human  remains  is  a  subject  open  to  conjecture. 

The  continued  disturbance  of  the  surface  may  yet  bring  to  light  other 


///////////////// 


//////7/////T7 


 J. 


UIJ.J- 


i  )  i  i  J  M  i  I  □  i  i  1 1 


sssBtBrnrjKi 


uo.o//(>(ir. 


o    Jf 

Fig.  10  (Bolton  and  Calver  Collection).    Designs  from  Vessels  found  on  Manhattan  Island. 

remains  and  objects  which  may  afford  information  as  to  the  purposes  of 
some  of  these  discoveries,  but  enough  has  been  found  to  indicate  the  char- 
acteristics of  the  early  Manhattanites  and  to  add  to  the  interesting  fact  of 
their  association  with  the  island  upon  which  our  great  city  was  founded; 
peculiarities,  which  in  themselves  are  of  particular  interest  to  archaeolo- 
gists. 


94  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


Relations  with  the  first  Settlers. 

The  story  of  the  relations  of  the  European  settlers  with  these  early  owners 
of  Upper  Manhattan,  is  a  tale  with  many  of  the  same  characteristics,  as  that 
of  the  contact  of  the  two  races  in  other  parts  of  our  country,  where  the  White 
man,  finding  a  foothold  by  courtesy,  or  by  some  nominal  purchase,  eventually 
excites  the  Indian's  jealousy  by  his  encroachments,  and  then  pursues  with 
the  native,  a  course  of  expropriation,  with  or  without  warrant,  returning  an 
exterminating  vengeance  on  every  attempt  of  the  native  to  resist  the  advance 
of  "civilization."  So,  on  Manhattan,  the  first  White  arrivals,  by  courtesy 
of  the  natives,  who  were  "hospitable  when  well  treated,"  as  De  Laet  says, 
"ready  to  serve  the  White  man  for  little  compensation,"  became  squatters 
at  Battery  place,  a  tenure  which  in  1626,  was,  by  the  so-called  "purchase" 
of  the  island  by  Director  Minuit,  exchanged  for  an  ambiguous  ownership, 
the  extent  of  which,  as  well  as  the  authority  of  those  Indians  who  entered 
into  the  bargain  were  promptly  repudiated  by  the  natives  as  soon  as  the 
White  man  advanced  to  their  home  locality,  and  made  his  appearance  at 
Harlem  and  the  Heights.  It  appears  from  their  objections,  frequently 
repeated  from  this  time  forward,  that  the  Indians  had  at  least  regarded  that 
sale  as  extending  no  further  than  Yorkville  on  the  east  and  Manhattanville 
on  the  west,  at  which  part  of  Manhattan  in  those  early  days,  the  watery 
marshes  of  Harlem  plain,  the  deep  indentation  of  Reehewa's  creek  on  the 
east  (the  later  Harlem  Creek)  and  the  rivulet  in  the  Manhattanville  ravine 
on  the  west,  practically  cut  oh"  the  island  from  the  Heights.  That  this  view 
not  only  prevailed,  but  was  recognized  by  those  of  the  Hollanders,  whose 
sense  of  justice  was  added  to  a  consideration  of  self-interest,  is  shown  by 
the  tact  that  Stuyvesanl  entered,  in  164!),  into  an  additional  deed  of  purchase 
of  some  portion  of  the  upper  end  of  the  island,  which  deed  also  recognized 
the  then,  and  future  Indian  title  to  ownership  of  the  westerly  half  of  the 
upper  end  of  the  present  Borough. 

It  was  in  the  year  1636,  that  Doctor  de  La  Montagne,  the  first  White 
settler  of  Harlem,  arrived,  in  a  dug-out  canoe,  at  Rechewas'  Point,  or  105th 
Street,  on  the  East  River,  bringing  with  him,  his  wife,  two  babies,  and  some 
farm  hands,  and  soon  made  a  clearing  for  a  bark  cabin,  at  7th  Avenue  and 
115th  Street.  His  authority  for  settlement  was  a  "grant"  from  Kieft,  of 
about  two  hundred  acres,  extending  from  109th  to  124th  Streets  and  from 
5th  to  9th  Avenues,  through  which  extended  the  Indian  trail  to  the  Heights. 
To  this  locality,  De  la  Montagne  gave  the  name  of  Vredendal  or  "Quiet 
Dale,"  and  to  it  were  soon  attracted  other  hardy  settlers  who  pre-empted 
practically  all  the  large  tract  of  low-land  which  is  now  covered  by  Harlem, 
all  settling  thereon  without  further  consideration  of,  or  consent  by,  the  natives. 


1909.] 


Bolton,  Washington  Heights. 


95 


Jonas  Bronck  arrived  in  1639,  but  crossing  the  Harlem  to  Morrisania, 
he  made  a  new  purchase  of  the  tract  then  known  as  Ranachqua,  now  part 
of  the  Bronx,  by  a  regular  deed,  in  which  Rechewac  and  other  sachems 
joined. 

One  of  the  most  important  of  these  early  squatters  of  Harlem  was 
Bronck's  friend  and  fellow-countryman,  Captain  Jochem  Pietersen  Kuyter, 
who  secured  from  the  Dutch  authorities  in  July,  1639,  the  right  to  settle  upon 
the  Indian  "Schorrakin,"  a  large  tract  along  the  bank  of  the  Harlem,  from 
the  line  of  1st  to  5th  Avenue,  which  he  re-named  Zegendal,  the  "Vale  of 
Blessing,"  and  to  which  he  added  a  sort  of  claim  to  the  lower  end  of  Wash- 
ington Heights,  which  became  known  to  the  scanty  settlers,  as  "Jochem 
Pieter's  hills." 

It  was  but  natural,  if  the  Red  Men  regarded  these  Harlem  settlements 
as  trenching  upon  their  property  rights,  and  as  interfering  with  their  very 
means  of  subsistence,  that  they  would  resent  a  continual  enlargement  of  the 
settlement,  and  as  each  succeeding  settler  was  followed  by  others,  and  their 
favorite  haunts,  fishing  and  oystering  places  were  appropriated,  their  sus- 
picious nature  was  aroused,  and  it  only  needed  some  overt  act  on  the  part 
of  the  White  Man,  to  precipitate  an  outbreak.  Every  inducement  of  ad- 
vantage, as  well  as  of  security,  lay  in  the  direction  of  conciliating  the  natives, 
who  surrounded  the  pioneers  on  every  side,  and  at  first  the  accommodation  of 
each  to  the  other  was  mutually  recognized.  The  settler  often  needed  the 
Red  Man's  labor,  his  venison,  oysters  and  furs,  and  at  times  even  his  maize, 
for  all  of  which  he  paid  in  objects  of  small  value,  or  bartered  his  old  guns  and 
ammunition.  On  the  other  hand,  to  the  native,  the  settler  represented  a 
market  for  these  materials,  and  a  source  whence  could  be  obtained  beads  for 
his  squaw,  and  fire-water  for  his  own  enjoyment.  Thus  the  settlers  had 
come  to  regard  the  Wick-quas-keeks  as  no  novelty,  and  their  visits  to  the 
bouweries  or  their  appearance  on  the  trail,  or  their  passage  on  the  broad 
waters,  as  matters  of  no  special  importance.  Kuyter  wrote,  that  the  settlers 
"pursue  their  out-door  labor  without  interruption,  in  the  woods,  as  well  as 
in  the  field,  and  dwell  safely,  with  their  wives  and  children,  in  their  houses, 
free  from  any  fear  of  the  Indians."  How  different  might  have  been  the 
history  of  this  locality,  had  this  mutual  confidence  been  maintained. 

The  breach  was  precipitated  by  Director  Kieft's  own  ill-judged  course 
of  action.  Attempting  in  1639,  to  impose  and  collect  a  Tax  upon  the  Red 
Men,  he  followed  this  futile  act  by  an  attack,  with  very  slim  excuse,  on  the 
Raritan  Indians,  by  a  force  of  soldiers,  in  July,  1640,  which  act  excited  all 
the  neighboring  tribes.  A  Wick-quas-keek,  who  from  boyhood,  had  harbored 
a  grudge  against  the  Hollanders,  because  his  uncle  had  been  killed,  and  his 
beaver  skins  stolen  by  three  of  Minuit's  men  some  years  before,  took  a  long- 


96 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


deferred  revenge  one  mid-summer  day,  by  murdering  old  Claes  Swits,  one 
of  the  Yorkville  settlers,  in  his  house  at  Turtle  Bay,  which  stood  "on  the 
road  over  which  the  Indians  from  Wick-quas-keek  passed  daily."  It  was  a 
brutal  act,  and  the  murderer  was  known,  for  he  had  worked  for  Swit's  son, 
and  it  was  accompanied  too,  by  theft,  for  the  savage,  "stole  all  the  goods," 
for  some  of  which  he  was  bargaining  with  the  old  man  when  the  deed  was 
done. 

A  yacht  was  sent  to  Wick-quas-keek  to  demand  satisfaction,  and  the  sur- 
render of  the  murderer,  but  the  Indians,  regarding  the  act  as  entirely  justi- 
fiable from  their  point  of  view,  refused,  and  their  head  Sachem  expressed  the 
general  feeling  of  their  growing  resentment,  by  saying  that  he  "wished 
twenty  Swannekins  (Dutchmen)  had  been  murdered,"  instead  of  the  one 
who  had  fallen.  Xo  satisfaction  could  be  obtained,  and  the  more  peaceable 
spirits  among  the  Hollanders  postponed  action  in  revenge,  urging  that  at 
any  rate,  an  attack  on  the  Indians  should  not  be  made,  "till  the  maize  trade 
be  over,"  and  should  be  attempted  "  in  the  harvest  when  the  Indians  were 
hunting." 

When  that  period  had  arrived,  a  conference  took  place  (November  1, 
1641)  as  to  the  advisability  of  using  force  with  the  savages.  Jochem  Kuyter, 
whose  bouwerie  was  the  most  advanced  and  exposed  to  retaliation,  advised 
patience,  and  suggested  that  the  Indians  who  were  alert,  should  be  lulled 
into  security  before  an  attack  should  be  made  upon  them.  So  no  action  was 
taken,  until  scouts  reported  early  in  1642,  that  the  natives  "lay  in  their 
village  suspecting  nothing,"  and  the  deplorable  decision  was  then  reached 
to  seize  this  opportunity  of  sending  an  armed  force  upon  them.  Accordingly, 
a  body  of  80  men,  commanded  by  Ensign  Hendrick  Van  Dyck,  marched  to 
the  neighborhood  of  Vonkers,  under  the  guidance  of  Tobias  Teunissen,  a 
farmer  employed  by  Montagne,  who  knew  the  locality.  The  expedition 
failed  to  surprise  the  natives,  and  losing  their  way  in  the  darkness,  the 
Hollanders  returned,  fortunately  without  conflict.  Their  appearance, 
however,  had  effected  sufficient  impression,  to  lead  the  sachems  to  agree 
to  a  peace  treaty,  which  was  formally  entered  into  in  Bronck's  house  in 
Morrisania. 

The  ties  of  mutual  confidence  had  now  been  broken  between  the  Red 
and  White  Man,  and  as  the  ill  luck  of  both  would  have  it,  the  enemies  of 
the  former,  the  Mohawks  of  the  Albany  district,  chose  the  succeeding  win- 
ter for  an  incursion  upon  the  Wick-quas-keeks,  for  the  purpose  of  reducing 
them  to  their  ancient  condition  of  tributary  vassalage.  An  overwhelming 
horde  of  Mohawks,  equipped  with  firearms,  descended  upon  Westchester 
County,  and  slaughtered  the  unfortunate  clansmen  in  Yonkers,  Spuyten 
Duyvil  and  probably  at  Inwood,  captured  many  of  their  women  and  chil- 


1909.] 


Bolton,  Washington  Heights. 


97 


dren,  and  forced  the  survivors,  a  fugitive  crowd,  to  make  their  way  in  the 
deep  snow  of  that  bitter  winter  season,  to  Fort  Amsterdam,  there  to  seek 
the  protection  of  the  White  intruders. 

To  the  everlasting  shame  of  Kieft,  of  Tienhoven  and  others  among  the 
Hollanders,  the  White  men  repaid  this  confidence  by  a  murderous  act  of 
treachery,  of  which  the  history  of  civilization  contains  few  equally  barbarous 
examples.  On  the  night  of  February  25,  1643,  the  wretched  WTick-quas- 
keeks,  then  huddled  in  temporary  shelters  at  Van  Corlear's  Point,  and  at 
Pavonia,  on  the  Jersey  side  of  the  Hudson  River,  were  massacred  in  cold 
blood  by  "civilized"  soldiers  and  citizens,  and  so  indiscriminate  was  the 
slaughter,  that  even  Indians  of  friendly  tribes  were  put  to  death.  The 
cruel  act  brought  a  prompt  punishment.  Joining  hands,  the  outraged  na- 
tives of  all  neighboring  clans,  took  issue  against  the  settlers,  and  all  around 
the  new  City  and  especially  at  Harlem,  they  attacked  the  outlying  settle- 
ments, slaughtered  the  farmers,  captured  their  families,  killed  or  drove  off 
the  live  stock,  and  burned  their  houses,  their  grain  and  hay.  The  rest  of  the 
winter  "passed  in  confusion  and  terror,"  but  in  the  spring,  a  mutual  desire 
for  a  truce,  which  would  enable  both  parties  to  sow  their  fields,  led  to  a 
doubtful  peace,  which  was  formally  agreed  to  on  April  22,  1643,  a  peace 
which,  as  soon  as  their  crops  were  harvested,  was  broken  by  the  Red  Men, 
who  again  drove  the  settlers  off  their  holdings,  and  chased  them  within  sight 
of  the  walls  of  the  fort.  Privation,  if  not  starvation,  now  stared  the  colonists 
in  the  face,  so  that  even  the  most  peaceful  among  them  joined  in  expeditions, 
by  which  during  the  winter  of  1644,  the  territory  of  the  Wick-quas-keeks 
was  scoured,  and  the  natives  driven  from  their  homes  bv  sword  and  fire. 

Amidst  all  the  destruction,  Zegendal,  the  Harlem  home  of  Captain  Kuyter, 
had  been  preserved,  protected  as  it  was  by  a  strong  palisade,  and  a  guard 
of  men  stationed  within,  but  on  March  5,  1645,  it  too  was  set  on  fire  by  a 
blazing  arrow,  and  the  house,  barn  and  crops  were  entirely  destroyed.  This 
act  was  no  doubt  the  crowning  revenge  of  the  tribesmen,  directed  against 
Kuyter,  for  his  share  in  the  conflict,  as  a  Captain  of  troops,  and  the  ineffec- 
tiveness of  the  guard  and  of  the  defenses  of  palisades  in  protecting  this 
important  property,  created  so  widespread  an  impression,  that  all  further 
efforts  to  colonize  our  locality,  were,  for  the  time  being,  abandoned.  Never- 
theless, a  system  of  passive  resistance  to  the  active  savages  eventually 
wearied  them  to  such  an  extent,  that  the  tribes  became  willing  to  bury  the 
hatchet,  and  on  August  30,  1645,  at  a  grand  council  in  Fort  Amsterdam,  a 
peace  was  concluded,  in  which  "Little  Ape,"  the  chief  of  the  Mohawks, 
spoke  as  the  representative  of  their  tributary  tribe,  the  Wick-quas-keeks 
and  pledged  them  to  the  treaty  obligations,  of  which  that  which  most  affected 
the  local  clan,  wTas,  that  no  Indian  should  "come  with  weapons  on  Manhattan 
Island,  nor  in  the  vicinity  of  Christian  dwellings." 


98  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


Adriaen  Van  der  Donck,  the  first  lawyer  among  the  settlers,  and  a  man 
of  some  substance,  had,  in  1647,  received  as  a  grant  from  Governor  Kieft, 
but  had  also  honorably  secured  by  purchase  from  the  Sachem  Tacharew, 
that  tract  of  marsh  and  meadow,  some  thirty  or  forty  morgen  in  extent, 
bordering  on  the  north  side  of  Papparinemin,  which  we  now  know  as  Kings- 
bridge,  intending  there  to  build  and  till,  "  since  his  inclination  and  judgment 
led  him  to  that  place."  The  features  of  marsh  and  meadow,  so  dear  to  a 
Dutchman's  heart,  led  others  to  look  with  interest  upon  the  very  similar 
features  upon  our  Island,  in  the  charming  vale  which  to-day  comprises  the 
Dyckman  tract. 

It  thus  came  about  that  the  settlers  had  barely  summoned  the  necessary 
courage  to  start  back  to  their  abandoned  holdings,  and  the  aborigines  had 
recovered  enough  sense  of  security  to  return  to  their  lair  under  the  Inwood 
hills,  ere,  undeterred  by  the  failure  of  his  previous  course  of  action,  and 
disregardful  of  the  unextinguished  right  of  livelihood  and  residence  of  the 
Red  Man,  Governor  Kieft,  in  1646,  entered  upon  a  course  of  extended 
grants  of  unsettled  lands,  selecting  the  very  centre  of  Indian  home- life  for 
distribution  to  the  favored  recipients. 

To  Matthys  Jansen  Van  Keulen,  he  gave,  August  18,  1646,  a  ground 
brief  of  all  Marble  Hill,  the  "Papparinemin,"  and  to  the  same  enterprising 
land-grabber  and  his  friend  Aertsen,  a  patent  was  issued  for  the  entire  200 
acres  of  the  choice  marshes  of  the  Dyckman  tract  extending  from  211th 
Street,  south  to  Dyckman  Street,  a  tract  known  later  as  the  Ronde-vly,  or 
Round  Meadow. 

On  this  land,  which  the  patentees  did  not  attempt  personally  to  occupy, 
a  hardy  pioneer  now  took  up  his  abode.  Tobias  Teunissen,  who,  as  the 
representative  or  lessee  of  the  patentee-,  thus  became  the  first  squatter  at 
Inwood,  had  been  employed  by  Dr.  De  la  Montagne  on  his  farm  in  Harlem, 
and  now  taking  to  himself  a  new  Vrouw,  the  couple  ventured  into  the  very 
heart  of  the  Red  Men's  home,  and  established  themselves  on  the  Harlem 
west  bank,  probably  at  or  near  the  site  of  the  later,  Xagel  or  Century,  house. 
There  is  some  reason  to  suppose  their  little  dwelling  may  have  been  that  of 
which  the  writer  discovered  the  foundation,  fireplace  and  floor,  beneath  the 
surface  of  the  garden  ground  in  front  of  the  site  of  the  Century  house,  a 
little  half  basement  built  of  rough  stone,  the  upper  part  in  frame,  half  sunk 
in  the  crest  of  the  river  bank,  around  which  were  also  found  a  number  of 
interesting  Indian  objects. 

Teunissen's  situation  was  not  without  peril,  for  he  had  been  the  guide 
in  the  unsuccessful  expedition  to  Yonkers,  in  1642  and  was  thus  a  marked 
man  among  his  savage  neighbors,  with  whom  an  injury  was  nursed  but 
never  forgotten.    The  appearance  among  them  of  this  pioneer,  and  still 


1909.] 


Bolton,  Washington  Heights. 


99 


more,  the  appearance  of  the  surveyors,  deliberately  staking  out  these  claims 
in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  their  winter  home,  must,  we  may  well  imagine, 
have  filled  the  natives  with  forebodings  of  the  inefficacy  of  the  peace  they 
had  so  recently  concluded,  and  have  stirred  again  in  their  breasts  the  sense 
of  resentment. 

Kuyter,  whose  bouwery  at  Zegendal  lay  still  in  ruin,  had  been  engaged 
in  a  controversy  with  Kieft,  which  eventually  resulted  in  the  departure  of 
the  latter,  and  his  replacement  by  Stuyvesant.  The  removal  of  Kieft, 
however,  at  first  brought  no  improved  policy  towards  the  Indian  rights, 
for  his  successor,  following  the  same  course,  began  by  allotting  to  Isaac  de 
Forest,  another  large  section  of  Harlem  lands,  between  that  of  Jochem 
Pietersen  Kuyter,  and  the  Van  Keulen  hook.  Stuyvesant,  however,  event- 
ually recognizing  the  ill-success  and  difficulty  besetting  these  continued 
efforts  to  settle  the  lands  of  which  the  Red  men  still  maintained  their  owner- 
ship, entered,  in  1649,  into  a  remarkable  deed  of  purchase,  evidently  intended 
to  quiet  those  claims  and  to  avoid  further  restlessness  on  the  part  of  the 
natives.    This  deed  ran  as  follows:  — 

"  On  this  day  the  date  underwritten  appeared  before  the  Noble  Lords  the  Director 
General  and  the  Council,  Megte-gich-kama,  Ote-yoch-guo,  Wegta-koch-ken,  the 
right  owners  of  the  lands  lying  on  the  North  River  of  New  Netherland  on  the  east 
shore  called  Ubiequaes  hook  in  the  breadth  through  the  woods,  'till  a  certain  Kill 
called  Seweyrut  diverging  at  the  East  River,  from  thence  northward  and  southward 
to  a  certain  kill  named  Rechawes,  the  same  land  betwixt  two  kils  one  half  woods 
betwixt  the  North  and  East  Rivers  so  that  the  western  half  to  the  aforesaid  is  still 
remaining  and  the  other  Easterly  half  with  a  south  and  north  directions  middle 
through  the  woods  the  aforesaid  owners  acknowledged  that  with  the  consent  of  the 
Chief  Sachem  they  have  sold  the  parcel  of  land  and  all  their  oystering,  fish,  &c.  unto 
the  Noble  Lord  Petrus  Stuyvesant  Director  General  of  New  Netherland  for  and  in 
consideration  of  certain  parcels  of  merchandize  which  they  acknowledge  to  their 
satisfaction  to  have  received  into  their  own  hands  and  power  before  the  passing  of 
these  presents,  viz : 


In  consideration  of  which  the  before-mentioned  owners  do  hereby  the  said  land 
convey  transport  and  give  over  to  the  aforesaid  Noble  Lords  the  Director  General 
and  to  his  successors  in  full,  true  and  free  ownership. 

To  the  said  land  We  the  Grantors  neither  now  nor  hereafter  shall  ever  present  any 
claim  for  selves,  or  heirs  and  successors  desisting  by  these  presents  from  all  action, 
either  of  equity  or  jurisdiction,  but  conveying  all  the  same  to  the  said  Director  Gen- 
eral and  to  his  successors  to  do  therewith  as  it  may  seem  proper  to  them  without  their 


6  Fathoms  cloth  for  jackets 
6  Fathoms  Sea  want 
6  kettles 
6  Axes 
6  Addices 
10  knives 


10  Harrowteeth 
10  Corals  or  Beads 
10  Bells 

1  Gun 

2  lbs.  Lead 

2  lbs.  Powder 
2  Cloath  Coats. 


100 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


the  Grantors,  or  any  of  them  molesting  the  Grantee  of  the  aforesaid  land  whether 
in  his  property  or  in  his  family. 

It  is  also  agreed  that  the  most  westerly  half  just  as  the  Lord  Director  pleases, 
shall  go  with  this  for  so  many  goods  as  in ...  .  can  be,  and  they  the  Grantors  promise 
at  all  times  to  induce  their  Rulers  on  the  North  River  to  take  the  matter  over  and 
not  to  sell  any  without  the  knowledge  of  the  Lord  Director  General;  the  Grantors 
promising  this  transport  firmly  to  maintain  as  in  equity  they  are  bound  to  do. 

Witness  these  presents  by  them  respectively  signed  in  the  Fort  Amsterdam  in 
New  Netherland  this  14th  day  of  July  A.  D.  1649. 

Meg-te-gich-kama 

Ote-yoch-guo 

Weg-ta-koch-ken 

The  land  boundaries  herein  loosely  defined,  evidently  covered  some 
large  portion  of  the  upper  end  of  the  island,  from  a  point  on  the  north  side 
of  Rechewa's  Creek  (or  Harlem  Creek)  at  109th  Street  on  the  East  River 
and  was  intended  perhaps  to  extend  as  far  north  as  the  Sherman  Creek, 
though  possibly  only  as  far  as  the  then  inlet  at  155th  Street  and  8th  Avenue. 
In  either  case,  the  right  of  the  natives  to  the  "westerly  half,"  the  wooded 
hills  of  the  Heights,  was  clearly  conceded,  and  the  consent  of  the  Mohawks 
"their  rulers  on  the  North  River,"  was  required  for  any  further  concession. 

This  bargain  still  left,  undealt  with  and  unpaid  for,  the  Dyckman  tract 
and  Marble  Hill,  and  the  continued  presence  of  Teunissen  and  his  little 
family  of  wife  and  child  in  that  area,  within  sight  of  their  winter  home,  and 
upon  the  very  ground  on  which  their  crops  were  grown  and  their  cere- 
monies conducted,  must  have  kept  alive  a  resentment  which  lost  nothing 
by  the  passage  of  time. 

In  this  connection,  the  following  statements  of  Riker  are  worthy  of 
notice:  — 

"The  Indians  were  resolved  upon  expelling  the  Whites  from  this  end  of  the  Island, 
upon  the  ground  that  they  had  not  been  duly  paid  for  their  lands.  It  is  certain  that 
the  Indians  did  not  recognize  the  sale  (to  Minuit)  as  a  surrender  of  all  their  rights 
and  privileges  on  this  part  of  the  Island.  Perhaps,  grown  wiser  in  a  generation,  they 
saw  that  the  trivial  price  then  paid  them  ($24.)  was  no  equivalent  for  their  rich  maize 
land  and  hunting  grounds." 

"  But  they  probably  claimed  to  have  reserved  (as  they  often  did  in  their  sales) 
the  right  of  hunting  and  planting,  because  in  after  years  the  Harlem  people  so  far 
admitted  their  pretensions  as  to  make  them  further  compensation. 

Well  had  it  been  for  the  Colonists  had  they  earlier  given  heed  to  the  dissatisfaction 
of  the  Indians,  and  done  something  to  remove  it." 

Riker  does  not  seem  to  have  observed  the  foregoing  deed  of  1649,  in  which 
Stuyvesant  did  make  an  effort  in  part  to  effect  such  a  settlement,  though  it 
evidently  did  not  go  far  enough,  and  I  think  the  secret  of  the  continued 
dissatisfaction  lay  more  in  the  trenching  upon  their  home  lands  of  Inwood, 


1909.] 


Bolton,  Washington  Heights. 


101 


and  in  the  practice  of  hunting  within  their  wild  woods  on  the  Heights,  than 
upon  their  expropriation  from  Harlem,  though  they  must  naturally  have 
suffered  from  the  loss  of  their  important  fishing  and  oystering  stations 
(121st  Street  and  Pleasant  Avenue,  and  on  Montagne's  or  Rechewa's  point 
105th  Street  and  Avenue  A).  Be  the  immediate  provocation  one  or  the 
other,  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  Red  Men  so  increased,  that  their  threats 
and  evidence  of  hostility  caused  general  alarm  and  distrust  among  the  White 
settlers,  and  in  the  year  1654,  a  fresh  outbreak  of  savage  vengeance  resulted. 

Among  those  who  had  returned  to  their  abandoned  holdings  was  Kuyter. 
Finding  difficulty  in  securing  help  for  the  restoration  of  his  farm,  as  many 
of  the  settlers  still  feared  a  re-settlement  of  the  outlying  bouweries,  "through 
dread  of  the  Indians  and  their  threats,"  he  at  last  undertook  to  occupy  his 
farm  himself,  and  marked  man  as  he  was,  it  was  little  to  be  wondered  at, 
that  in  March,  1654,  he  fell  an  early  victim  to  the  savages,  whose  growing 
resentment  against  the  re- occupation  of  their  property  now  broke  out  afresh. 

An  organized  effort  now  began  on  the  part  of  the  Red  Men  to  sweep 
away,  once  and  for  all,  the  White  intruders.  On  September  15,  1655, 
hundreds  of  braves,  gathered  at  Inwood,  embarked  in  sixty-four  canoes,  and 
reaching  New  Amsterdam,  scattered  through  the  town  before  daybreak, 
intent  on  plunder  and  killing.  Governor  Stuyvesant  was  absent,  but  the 
leaders  of  the  townspeople,  parleying  with  the  savages,  induced  them 
temporarily  to  withdraw,  probably  because  the  savages  never  loved  a  day- 
light engagement.  A  skirmish,  however,  ensued  in  the  evening,  in  which 
the  Dutch  soldiers  drove  off  the  invaders,  who,  in  the  same  dread  night  of 
darkness,  took  their  revenge  upon  the  helpless  settlers  in  the  outlying  dis- 
tricts, and  commenced  a  terrible  slaughter.  "Miserably  surprised  by  the 
cruel  barbarous  savages,"  Tobias  Teunissen,  and  full  fifty  others,  were 
murdered,  and  more  than  a  hundred  terrified  women  and  children  were 
carried  off  into  captivity,  among  them  Teunissen's  wife  and  child. 

The  recent  settlers  in  Kingsbridge,  on  the  land  which  had  been  bought 
by  Van  der  Donck,  and  those  also  on  Jonas  Bronck's  land  across  the  river, 
were  driven  away  and  their  lands  laid  waste.  The  canoes  of  the  Red  Men 
prowled  about  Hellgate,  waiting  favorable  opportunities  of  attack  by  their 
favorite  method  of  surprise,  and  ere  a  few  days  had  passed,  every  settlement 
was  denuded  by  death,  captivity,  or  flight,  of  its  White  occupants.  Glutted 
with  revenge,  and  having  fully  accomplished  their  main  purpose,  the  savages 
sent  in  two  captives,  in  October,  offering  to  return  others  for  ransom.  In 
this  offer,  the  families  of  Teunissen  and  of  Swits,  the  son  of  the  unfortunate 
colonist  whose  murder  had  resulted  from  the  old  grudge,  were  not  included, 
both  significant  of  a  particular  resentment  felt  by  the  natives  towards  these 
settlers. 


102        Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


Stuyvesant  returned,  and  a  council  was  called,  at  which  the  weakness  of 
the  little  colony  in  the  face  of  Indian  numbers,  was  weighed  against  the 
desire  for  vengeance.  The  soldiers  were  therefore  sent  out  only  to  bury  the 
dead  and  gather  in  the  scattered  herds.  They  were  stricken  to  the  heart 
by  the  scenes  of  slaughter,  devastation  and  ruin  which  every  bouwery 
presented.  It  was  not  until  the  end  of  November,  that  the  widows  of  Teun- 
issen  and  Swits,  with  their  children,  were  ransomed  from  their  savage 
captors.  What  tales  the  poor  women  could  have  told  of  the  wild  life,  habits, 
shelter  and  fare,  which  they  had  been  forced  to  share  for  those  weary  weeks 
of  captivity. 

Thus  perished  poor  Teunissen,  the  first  settler  of  our  Heights,  a  man  of 
humble  but  sterling  character,  whose  very  determination  and  fearlessness 
brought  about  the  sacrifice  of  his  own  life  and  of  many  others. 

So  thorough  was  the  effect  of  this  dreadful  massacre,  that  by  an  ordinance 
of  January  18,  1650,  all  further  settlement  upon  outlying  farms  was  forbid- 
den, and  all  attempt  for  the  time  being,  to  colonize  the  island  by  separate 
farms  was  definitely  abandoned,  and  the  Red  Men  were  left  for  a  time,  in 
undisputed  possession  of  their  wild  home  among  the  rocks  of  Inwood  hill 
and  to  their  whilom  undisturbed  occupations  of  fishing,  oystering,  and 
hunting  on  Washington  Heights. 

The  Town  of  New  Haerlem  and  the  passing  of  the  Red  Man. 

"The  Director  (leneral  and  Council  of  New  Netherland  guarantee  hereby,  that 
for  the  further  promotion  of  agriculture,  for  the  security  of  this  Island,  and  the 
cattle  pasturing  thereon,  as  well  as  for  the  further  relief  and  expansion  of  this  City 
Amsterdam  in  New  Netherland,  they  have  resolved  to  form  a  New  Village  or  Settle- 
ment at  the  end  of  the  Island,  and  about  the  land  of  Jochem  Pietersen,  deceased, 
and  those  which  are  adjoining  to  it." 

Thus  was  ordered  the  establishment  of  the  Village  of  New  Haerlem,  and 
the  inducements  of  allotments  of  ground,  for  a  dwelling,  for  a  garden,  and 
for  a  farm,  with  an  accompanying  slice  of  salt  meadow  soon  attracted  a  little 
body  of  settlers,  whose  homes  were  laid  out  in  August,  1658,  along  the  line 
of  that  branch  of  the  Indian  trail  which  led  from  McGown's  Pass,  at  Central 
Park  near  110th  Street,  and  afforded  a  beaten  track  to  the  Harlem  River 
at  125th  Street  and  First  Avenue. 

Confidence  was  to  be  established  by  the  community  life,  and  the  mutual 
protection  it  afforded  against  the  treachery  of  the  natives.  The  public, 
however,  was  doomed  to  further  alarm  when  news  arrived  on  September 
23,  1658,  of  the  fierce  outbreak  of  savage  warfare  at  Esopus,  so  that  many 
fled  from  their  newly  established  homes,  into  the  city,  and  a  state  of  unrest 


1909.] 


Bolton,  Washington  Heights. 


103 


existed  all  that  winter.  Farming  operations  were  brought  almost  to  a  stand- 
still, notwithstanding  the  precautions  which  the  settlers  employed,  of  farm- 
ing in  common,  even  planting  their  contiguous  fields  in  strips  of  similar 
crops,  so  that  the  workers  could  always  be  near  each  other,  and  always  having 
their  weapons  handy. 

In  March  1660,  a  military  company  was  formed  in  Harlem,  under  the 
command  of  Jan  Pietersen  Slot,  as  Sergeant,  which  was  furnished  with  a 
supply  of  powder,  and  the  inhabitants  were  thus  prepared  for  defense. 

Another  Indian  attack  and  massacre  at  Esopus  was  reported,  January 
7,  1663,  and  started  a  fresh  alarm  at  Harlem.  The  village  folk  again  as- 
sembled into  military  companies,  and  proceeded  to  place  palisades  around 
their  little  village  home,  within  which,  two  7-lb.  cannon  were  mounted,  and 
a  strict  military  watch  was  kept.  The  savages  at  Esopus  were  soon  put  to 
rout  by  the  Dutch  armed  force  under  Stuyvesant,  and  part  of  the  Harlem 
force  having  volunteered,  took  part  in  the  campaign. 

In  July,  a  body  of  Wick-quas-keeks,  including  about  80  warriors  now 
professedly  friendly,  fearing  an  attack  from  the  armed  parties  of  Mohawks 
upon  the  war  path,  moved  from  their  usual  haunts,  for  their  better  security, 
into  the  woods  of  our  Height,  and  caused  alarm  and  panic  among  the  settlers. 
Their  Chief,  Sau-wen-a-rack,  with  his  brother,  came  into  Harlem  and  ex- 
plained the  reason  for  their  proximity,  stating  that  they  feared  an  attack  by 
the  Esopus  Indians,  who  were  advancing  50  or  60  strong,  to  attack  them  and 
also  to  wipe  out  the  Harlem  settlement.  The  threatened  incursion  failed 
of  accomplishment,  but  the  Sachem  and  his  people,  taking  advantage  of  the 
common  feeling  of  danger,  seized  the  opportunity  to  ask  permission  to  fish 
near  the  village,  which  was  conceded,  on  condition  that  they  should  bear  no 
weapons  near  the  town.  To  identify  the  friendly  from  the  hostile,  they  were 
given  copies  of  the  official  seal  of  the  West  Indian  Company,  printed  on  wax 
in  small  billets,  to  be  shown  on  necessary  occasions. 

In  1664,  16  May,  a  new  treaty  with  the  tribes  of  the  Hudson,  was  con- 
cluded, and  the  Harlem  people  were  relieved  by  the  fact  that  Sau-wen-a- 
rack,  head  sachem  of  our  local  tribe,  renewed  his  pledge  of  friendship,  by 
signing  it. 

In  September  of  this  eventful  year,  the  British  fleet  arrived,  and  the 
Dutch  dominion  was  exchanged  for  the  English,  under  the  Governorship  of 
Col.  Richard  Nicolls,  one  of  whose  first  orders,  addressed  "to  the  Schout 
and  present  magistrates  of  Harlem,"  ran  as  follows: 

"To  the  Schout  and  present  Magistrates  of  Harlem: 

A  Warrant  to  the  Magistrates  of  Harlem  for  the  Prohibition  of  the  sale  of  Strong 
Liquors  to  Indians. 

Whereas:  I  am  informed  of  several  abuses  that  are  done  and  committed  by  the 


104        Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


Indians,  occasioned  much  through  the  liberty  some  persons  take  of  selling  Strong 
Liquors  unto  them; 

These  are  to  require  you,  that  you  take  especial  care  that  none  of  your  Town 
presums  to  sell  any  Sort  of  Strong  Liquors,  or  Strong  Beer,  unto  any  Indian,  and  if 
you  shall  find  any  person  offending  therein,  that  you  seize  upon  such  Liquor  and 
bring  such  person  before  me,  to  make  answer  for  the  offense. 

Given  under  my  hand,  at  Fort  James  in  New  York,  this  18th  of  March,  1664, 
(1665.    New  Style).    Richard  Nicolls." 

Governor  Nicolls,  on  October  11,  1067,  issued  to  the  growing  township 
of  New  Haerlem,  a  charter,  which,  entirely  ignoring  any  of  the  rights  or 
claims  of  the  aboriginal  owners,  granted  to  the  new  community  the  entire 
area  of  Upper  Manhattan,  northward  from  a  line  drawn  across  the  island, 
from  74th  Street  at  the  East  River,  to  130th  Street  at  the  Hudson,  with 
"all  the  soils,  creeks,  quarries,  woods,  meadows,  pastures,  marshes,  waters, 
lakes,  fishing,  hawking,  hunting,  and  fowling.  .  .  .and  freedom  of  commonage 
for  range  and  feed  of  cattle  and  horses  further  west  into  the  woods,  upon  this 
Island  as  well  without  as  within  their  bounds  and  limits." 

This  (  barter  further  empowered  the  town  to  establish  a  ferry,  at  125th 
Street,  to  the  Bronx,  and  authority  was  later  given,  in  order  to  divert  the 
traffic  to  the  ferry,  that  the  road  to  Spuyten  Duyvil  should  be  stopped  up. 
This  course  was  pursued,  and  fences  were  built  for  the  purpose,  but  the 
growing  number  of  travelers  to  and  from  the  Westchester  side,  found  the 
tolls  of  the  ferry  excessive,  and  continued  to  drive  their  cattle  and  horses 
through  the  "wading  place"  at  Kingsbridge,  a  shallow  place  still  traceable 
at  230th  Street.  So  persistent  was  the  public  in  preferring  its  own  line  of 
travel,  that  in  166S,  a  change  of  policy  was  decided  upon,  and  preparations 
were  made  for  removing  the  ferry  to  Kingsbridge.  Johannes  Verveelen, 
the  ferry-man,  was,  in  1G69,  authorized  to  establish  the  ferry  there,  and 
was  further  given  a  grant  of  all  or  great  part  of  Papparinemin  (Marble  Hill) 
and  of  land  on  the  Kingsbridge  side,  on  the  latter  of  which  he  proceeded  to 
erect  a  habitation  for  himself,  and  for  the  accommodation  of  travellers, 
probably  on  the  site  of  the  later  hostelry,  which  occupied  the  site  of  the 
Macomb  house,  still  standing  at  230th  Street,  and  in  1670,  he  commenced, 
as  part  of  his  agreements  required,  the  making  of  a  bridge,  "over  the  marsh 
between  Papparinemin  and  Fordham." 

At  the  latter  locality,  an  enterprising  proprietor,  John  Arcer  (later  known 
as  Archer)  had  established  a  community  of  settlers. 

The  Wick-quas-keeks,  though  many  of  them  had  been  "beaten  off  by 
the  Maques,"  from  their  resort  at  Inwood  and  Westchester  County,  and 
■were  mostly  at  this  time,  in  hiding  in  the  wild  forests  of  the  Ramapo,  still 
from  time  to  time,  reasserted  their  rights  to  the  Harlem  lands.  Rechewack, 


1909.] 


Bolton,  Washington  Heights. 


105 


Sellers  of  the  Point  • 


the  sachem  who  in  1639,  had  been  party  to  the  sale  of  Morrisania  to  Bronck, 
was  still  insistent  on  his  claim  to  the  old  haunt  of  his  particular  clan,  upon 
Rechwa's  or  Montagnes'  point,  and  in  order  to  quiet  this  claim,  Jan  la 
Montagne  made  a  bargain  with  him,  by  which,  for  some  consideration  not 
stated,  he  secured  the  acknowledgment  of  its  sale  to  him,  as  follows :  — 

1669. 

"On  this  date,  20th  August,  old  style,  the  underwritten  Indians  (willden)  have 
sold  to  me,  Jan  la  Montagne,  the  Point  named  Rechwanis,  bounded  between  two 
creeks  and  hills,  and  behind,  a  stream  which  runs  to  Montagne's  Flat,  with  the 
meadows  from  the  bend  of  the  Helle-gat  to  Konaande  Kongh 

Rechkewacken 
Achwaarowes 
Sacharoch 

Pasach  keeginc  \  Tappan 
Niepenchan 
Kouhamwen 
Kottaren 

This  was  by  no  means  all  of  the  Indian  claim.  On  April  9,  1670,  when 
several  Sachems  were  concluding  a  deal  with  Governor  Lovelace,  for  the 
sale  of  Staten  Island,  "some  of  the  Indians  present  laid  claim  to  the  land  by 
Harlem,"  and  repudiated,  when  it  was  exhibited  to  them,  the  deed,  of  1626, 
or  its  effect.  Some  of  those  who  signed  Montagne's  deed,  just  recited,  also 
became  parties  to  another  sale  of  lands  along  the  east  shore  of  the  Harlem, 
as  far  as  "Bronxland,"  by  which  their  proprietorship  in  that  borough  was 
recognized  to  have  been  still  existent. 

In  1673,  the  Dutch  re-captured  New  York,  a  short-lived  triumph  for  in 
1674,  Sir  Edmund  Andros  arrived  with  the  news  of  the  cession  of  the  Colony 
to  England,  and  the  Harlem  township  settled  down  under  British  rule  which 
continued  until  the  end  of  the  Revolution. 

In  1675,  the  disquieting  news  arrived  of  the  great  outbreak  of  the  Xarra- 
gansett  Indians,  under  King  Philip,  and  as  a  precaution,  some  of  our  local 
Sachems  were  invited  to  an  interview  for  the  purpose  of  securing  the  con- 
tinuance of  their  friendship  and  neutrality.  As  a  further  precautionary 
measure,  in  the  fall  of  that  year,  orders  were  issued  that  the  canoes  of  Indians 
along  the  Westchester  shores  of  the  Sound,  should  be  laid  up  where  they 
could  not  be  used,  and  the  Wick-quas-keeks  at  their  summer  haunt  on 
Pelham  Neck,  then  known  as  Ann's  hook,  were  directed  "to  remove  within 
a  fortnight  to  their  usual  winter  quarters  within  Hellgate  upon  this  island." 

"This  winter  retreat,"  says  Riker,  "was  either  the  woodlands  between 
Harlem  Plains  and  Kingsbridge  at  that  date  still  claimed  by  these  Indians  as 
hunting  grounds,  or  Rechewanes  on  the  Bay  of  Hellgate." 


106        Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


We  have  seen,  however,  that  they  had  already  definitely  parted  with 
Reehewane's  point. 

Thus,  the  winter  retreat,  of  which  we  now  know  more  particularly,  was 
no  doubt  the  Inwood  resort,  and  the  rock-shelters  in  Cold  Spring  Hollow. 
That  this  was  the  case,  seems  also  to  follow  from  the  action  of  the  Indians 
referred  to,  who  in  obedience  to  this  order  and  their  usual  habits,  attempted 
to  pass  up  the  Harlem  River  in  their  canoes,  stating  that  they  were  going  to 
"Wickers  Creek."  They  were  stopped  by  the  local  force  of  watchmen  or 
militia,  under  the  direction  of  Town-constable  Demarest,  who,  in  reporting 
his  action  to  the  Governor,  received  from  him  a  reply  as  follows: 

"Mr.  Constable: 

I  have  just  now  seen,  by  your  of  this  day  sent  express  by  Wm.  Palmer,  of  your 
having  stopt  10  or  12  Indian  canoes,  with  women,  children,  corn  and  baggage,  com- 
ing as  they  say  from  Westchester,  and  going  to  Wickers-creek,  but  not  any  Pass 
mentioned;  So  that  you  have  done  very  well  in  stopping  the  said  Indians  and  giving 
notice  thereof. 

There  are  now  to  order  all  the  said  Indians  to  stay  in  your  Town,  and  that  you 
send  some  of  the  chiefest  of  them  to  me  early  to-morrow,  and  one  of  your  overseers 
for  further  orders;  and  that  it  may  be  better  effected,  you  are  to  order  them  some 
convenient  house  or  barn  to  be  in,  and  draw  up  their  canoes  until  the  return  of  them 
you  shall  send;  and  that  you  double  your  watch. 

Your  loving  Friend, 

E.  Andros. 

N.  York,  October  the  21,  1675. 

These  unwelcome  guests  were  soon  permitted  to  pass  on,  but  the  distrust 
of  their  actions  continued,  and  a  close  watch  appears  to  have  been  kept  upon 
their  movements. 

On  Jan.  7,  1(>7(>,  however,  some  eighteen  members  of  the  tribe,  headed 
by  one  known  as  "Claes,  the  Indian,"  1  voluntarily  visited  the  Governor, 
assuring  him  of  their  friendship,  by  word  of  mouth,  confirmed  by  a  present 
of  venison  and  deer  skins,  and  asking  for  protection  against  their  fellow 
redskins.  The  Governor  promised  them  all  the  help  in  his  power,  and 
offered  them  a  present  of  "coates,  but  they  desired  drink,  which  is  ordered 
for  them.'1  The  natives  thereupon  shrewdly  seized  the  opportunity  to 
demand  official  permission  for  cultivating  their  old  maize  lands  on  Man- 
hattan Island,  which  they  would  have  to  leave  again  the  next  spring  if  they 
were  compelled  then  to  remove  to  their  summer  haunts  at  Ann-hook,  and 
their  request  being  brought  formally  before  the  Council,  it  was:  — 


i  Claes  or  Claus  De  Wilt  (Willden  Indians')  was  also  described  as  Longe  Clause  or  Claes,  and 
as  a  "native  Indian."  With  a  squaw,  named  Kara-capa-co-mont,  he  entered  into  a  deed  in 
1707,  confirming  the  title  to  the  Van  Cortlandt  lands  at  Kingsbridge. 


1909.] 


Bolton,  Washington  Heights. 


107 


"Resolved,  That  the  Wickers-creek  Indians,  if  they  desire  it,  be  admitted  with 
their  wives  and  children,  to  plant  upon  this  Island,  but  nowhere  else,  if  they  remove, 
and  that  it  be  upon  the  north  point  of  the  Island  near  Spuyten  Duyvil." 

This  must  have  referred  to  the  planting  field,  to  which  reference  has 
been  made,  at  Seaman  Avenue  and  Isham  Avenue,  and  the  grudging  per- 
mission evidently  conceded  to  some  extent,  the  Indian's  claim  to  that  locality. 

The  tribe  proved  the  sincerity  of  their  profession  of  friendship,  and  the 
defeat  of  King  Philip  and  his  warriors  in  August  of  1676,  brought  greater 
sense  of  security  to  the  colony,  and  evidently  a  less  regard  for  the  Indians 
and  their  claims,  so  that  in  1677,  the  free-holders  of  New  Haerlem  began 
to  divide  up  between  themselves  available  common  lands  included  in  the 
wide  terms  of  their  Charter. 

First  they  surveyed,  and  then  divided  up  Marble  Hill  and  the  remainder 
of  the  Matthys  Jansen  property  down  to  the  line  of  211th  Street,  staking 
the  property  off  in  five  allotments,  which  were  "given  out  by  lot."  These 
fell  to  Vermilje,  Boch,  Nagel,  and  Dyckman,  the  two  latter  of  whom  pur- 
chased the  shares  of  the  others,  and  thus  formed  the  tract  which  afterwards 
became  the  Nagel  farm. 

Of  this  property  they  made  a  lease  to  Hendrick  Kiersen  and  Michael 
Bastidensen,  conditioned  upon  their  planting  sundry  apple  and  pear  trees 
yearly,  and  for  the  first  seven  years  as  an  acknowledgment  of  title,  a  quit 
rent  of  "each  one  hen  every  year."  The  same  two  owners  subsequently 
acquired  the  Jansen  and  Aertsen  tract,  or  Round  Meadow,  being  all  lands 
between  211th  Street  and  Dyckman  Street,  and  east  of  the  present  Broad- 
way to  the  Harlem  River,  with  the  exception  of  some  patches  of  meadow 
land,  already  granted  to  other  owners,  Myndert  Iouriaen,  and  Pierre 
Cresson. 

October  26,  1677,  the  long-abandoned  home  of  Tobias  Teunissen,  was 
thus  again  the  scene  of  the  White  man's  husbandry,  and  the  natives  again 
found  their  home  locality  invaded  by  the  White  settler.  No  attempt  has 
been  made,  however,  so  far,  to  till  or  to  allot  lands  lying  around  Inwood  hill, 
nor  in  the  wild  woods  of  Washington  Heights,  which  the  wolves  and  other 
wild  creatures  still  infested. 

By  official  command,  Aug.  1,  1685,  Governor  Dongan,  granted  "liberty 
and  licence"  to  any  of  the  inhabitants  "  to  hunt  and  destroy  the  said  wolves," 
and  a  general  foray  resulted  in  wiping  out  the  dangerous  creatures,  which 
had  shared  with  the  Red  Man  the  actual  possession  of  Washington  Heights. 

The  desire  to  increase  the  town  revenues,  and  to  extend  the  area  of 
available  cultivable  lands,  led  the  township  authorities  to  appropriate  the 
Indian  clearing  known  as  the  great  Maize  Land,  south  of  181st  Street,  lying, 
probably,  west  of  the  trail,  which  is  now  the  course  of  Broadway. 


108         Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


Jan  Kiersen,  who  may  have  vacated  the  rather  dangerous  lease  of  Xagel's 
lands  at  211th  Street,  undertook  the  task  with  his  father-in-law,  Captain  Jan 
Gerritsen  Van  Dalsen,  and  the  town  entered,  March  30,  1686,  into  a  lease  of 
"The  great  Maize  Land,  belonging  under  the  jurisdiction  of  New  Haerlem," 
for  a  period  of  twelve  years,  the  first  seven,  at  the  rent  of  a  fat  capon  yearly, 
and  the  last  five,  at  two  hundred  guilders  in  good  wheat,  rye,  peas,  or  barley, 
at  the  market  price;  "from  each  parcel  the  just  fourth  to  be  given  to  God 
the  Lord." 

The  lease,  rather  than  the  partition  or  the  sale,  of  this  Indian  planting 
ground,  may  have  been  due  to  a  recognition  of  the  lack  of  moral  if  not  of 
actual  warrant  for  its  appropriation  from  its  original  owners,  who,  now  that 
their  right  of  planting  was  restricted  to  the  north  end  of  the  island,  were  no 
longer  able  to  continue  the  use  of  the  181st  Street  tract. 

James,  Duke  of  York,  and  proprietor  of  Manhattan,  became  James  II., 
king,  in  1685,  and  his  representative,  Governor  Dongan,  looking  out  for  an 
increase  in  the  emoluments  of  the  Colony,  now  asserted  his  intention  to 
appropriate  all  common  lands  not  yet  purchased  of  the  Indians,  which 
could  be  construed  as  belonging  to  the  King,  who  was  not  to  be  regarded 
as  bounden  by  his  own  acts  as  Duke. 

A  new  Charter  was  therefore  solicited  by  the  Harlem  settlers,  and  was 
issued  on  March  7,  1686,  under  terms  of  a  new  quit  rent.  Once  again,  then, 
was  confirmed  to  the  free-holders  of  New  Harlem,  their  heirs,  and  assigns, 
all  lands  included  in  the  original  area,  without  any  reference  to,  or  regard 
for,  the  claims  or  unextinguished  title  of  the  aborigines. 

The  woodlands  of  Washington  Heights  were  as  yet  unbroken  from  Man- 
hattanville  to  the  Creek,  except  by  the  road  which  wound  its  way  up  the  line 
of  the  old  Kings  Bridge  road,  now  St.  Nicholas  Avenue,  and  of  Broadway 
to  the  Inwood  flat-lands,  on  which  the  Nagel  and  Dyckman  meadows  were 
partly  opened  to  cultivation. 

The  time,  however,  had  come  when  the  townspeople  realized  that  a 
final  adjustment  must  be  made  witli  the  Indians,  or  their  charter  rights 
would  stand  a  good  chance  of  being  affected,  so  on  February  28,  1688, 
Colonel  Stephen  Van  Cortlandt,  acting  on  behalf  of  the  town  of  New  Harlem, 
delivered  to  the  representatives  of  the  Wick-quas-keeks,  "Sundries"  in 
exchange  for  their  surrender  of  their  entire  claims,  with  a  cash  or  "Sundry" 
balance  to  be  paid  to  them  later.  This  full  settlement  was  not  effected,  by 
reason  of  the  negligence  or  poverty  of  the  townspeople,  until  March  1,  171.5, 
when  a  special  tax  was  levied  for  the  purpose,  and  the  amount  thus  raised, 
we  must  suppose,  was  paid  to  the  dwindling  remnant  of  the  tribe. 

Thus  passed  away  the  native  ownership  of  Washington  Heights,  and 
their  occupation  of  the  primeval  homes,  fields  and  fisheries  of  the  Red  Man 


1909.] 


Bolton,  Washington  Heights. 


109 


on  our  Island.  Scattered  over  their  one-time  busy  village  sites,  and  around 
the  wide  mounds  of  shells,  the  traces  of  many  a  generation  of  occupancy 
lay  abandoned,  till  the  plough  of  their  supplanters,  or  the  veil  of  growing 
vegetation  hid  them  from  sight.  Below  the  sods  of  the  Nagel  farm  and 
along  the  bank  of  the  Harlem,  the  remains  of  tribal  ceremonies  and  the 
treasured  pottery  of  the  squaws,  lay  concealed.  Over  these  grazed  the 
cattle  of  the  Colonial  farmers,  and  among  them  were  buried  the  dead  of  the 
colonists  and  of  their  slaves.  The  tide  of  Revolutionary  warfare  swept  over 
the  scene,  and  for  seven  long  years  thereafter,  the  armies  of  Britain  and 
Hesse-Cassel  camped  around  and  upon  the  vestiges  of  neolithic  man,  yet 
failed  to  discover  or  disturb  them,  and  thus  two  hundred  years  elapsed 
before  the  inquisitive  antiquarian,  prying  into  the  shell  heaps,  and  among 
the  rocks  of  Inwood,  re-discovered  the  home  and  unearthed  the  bones,  the 
debris,  the  pottery  and  implements  of  the  long-forgotten  Wick-quas-keek. 


ARCHAEOLOGY  OF  MANHATTAN  ISLAND. 

BY 


ALANSON  SKINNER. 


Owing  to  the  fact  that  a  large  part  of  the  original  surface  in  Manhattan 
has  been  destroyed,  the  statements  and  deductions  here  given  are  based  on 
the  remains  obtained  from  but  a  few  sites,  notably  those  mentioned  by 
Messrs.  Bolton  and  Finch  in  their  parts  of  this  volume  and  from  one  site 
excavated  by  Mr.  J.  A.  James  at  Van  Cortlandt  Park.  Fortunately,  these 
collections  are  comprehensive  enough  to  give  us  a  fair  view  of  the  pre- 
historic culture  of  the  Island.  The  remains  may  be  divided  into  three 
classes:  objects  of  stone,  objects  of  clay,  and  objects  of  bone  and  antler; 
varying  in  abundance  in  the  order  named. 

Of  the  stone  material,  by  far  the  most  abundant  here,  as  elsewhere, 
are  the  chipped  arrow  points,  knives,  drills,  and  scrapers.  Arrow  points 
of  two  general  types,  the  triangular  and  notched,  or  stemmed  forms,  occur. 
They  are  made  from  a  variety  of  materials  mostly 
obtained  in  the  immediate  vicinity,  an  impure 
white  quartz,  red  jasper,  and  a  black  or  bluish 
flint,  or  chert.  The  latter  is  the  most  frequent. 
A  few  stones  of  exotic  origin  occur,  and  points 
made  of  the  typical  purple  Trenton  argillite  are 
not  infrequent.  The  notched  and  stemmed 
points  seem  to  be  more  common  than  the  trian- 
gular variety,  a  fact  which  may  go  to  bear  out 
the  idea  that  the  latter  were  used  for  warlike 
purposes  in  the  coastal  Algonkin  region  of  New 
York,  although  in  this  instance  none  of  them 
have  been  found  (as  in  the  case  of  Staten  Island 

where  triangular  flint  points  were  found  in  and  among  the  bones  of  three 
human  skeletons  at  Burial  Ridge,  Tottenville)  to  prove  the  certainty  of  this 
supposition.  Antler  arrow  points  have  been  found  on  Manhattan  Island. 
Fig.  7d  shows  one  obtained  by  W.  L.  Calver  in  a  shell  heap  at  Spuyten 
Duyvil.  Notched  and  stemmed  arrow  points  with  notched  or  bifurcated 
bases  are  not  at  all  a  common  form  hereabouts,  although  they  occur 
sparingly  in  most  regions.  The  projectile  points  from  Manhattan  Island 
are  precisely  similar  to  those  shown  on  Plate  xn. 

Notched  pebbles,  probably  used  as  weights  or  sinkers  for  nets  are  very 
frequent.  They  are  of  several  varieties,  those  notched  on  the  opposite 
sides  of  the  long  axis,  which  are  the  least  common  of  this  type,  and  those 


Fig.  11  (1-3940).  Piece  of 
Worked  Bone.  Van  Cortlandt 
Park.    Length,  3.8  cm. 


113 


114       Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.     [Vol.  Ill, 


notched  across  the  short  axis.  Figs.  10  and  11,  Plate  v,  show  both  types. 
Net- sinkers  pitted  and  used  secondarily  as  a  hammerstone,  or  vice  versa, 
are  occasionally  found. 

Figs.  8  and  9  Plate  V,  show  the  rarer  grooved  form  of  the  net-sinkers. 
They  are  grooved  either  across  the  short  or  the  round  axis.  These  are 
found  sparingly  in  this  section. 

Agricultural  implements,  or  articles  used  in  preparing  vegetable  food 
are  few  in  number.  The  collection  contains  a  rudely  chipped  hoe,  pol- 
ished slightly  on  the  blade  from  use,  from  Van  Cortlandt  Park.  Fig.  12, 
a  large  chipped  implement  also  from  Van  Cortlandt  Park,  may  have  had 
a  similar  use. 

The  long  stone  pestle  has  been  found  in  this  region.  Stone  mortars, 
slabs  slightly  hollowed  out  on  one  side,  in  which  corn  may  have  been  ground 
with  small  round  flat  stone,  are  found.  The  long  stone  pestle  seems  to 
have  been  used  with  the  wooden  mortar. 

Shell,  bone,  and  wooden  hoes,  may  have  been  used  by  the  Manhattan, 


Fig.  12  (1-4090).    Stone  Implement.    Van  Cortlandt  Park.    Length,  38  cm. 


but  none  have  survived  to  the  present  day.  Fragments  of  clay  pipes,  and 
one  or  two  stone  pipes  that  have  been  found  in  this  region,  suggest  the 
cultivation  of  tobacco,  which  the  early  contemporary  writers  mention  as 
having  been  raised  in  this  vicinity.  Fig.  4,  Plate  xvn  shows  a  steatite 
pipe  with  a  crude  incised  human  face  on  the  front  of  the  bowl,  collected  by 
Bolton  and  Calver. 

Two  forms  of  the  grooved  axe  occur  in  Manhattan  territory.  The 
first  is  grooved  on  three  sides  and  the  fourth  side  is  flat.  Fig.  11  Plate 
xvn  represents  the  other  type  which  is  grooved  entirely  around  the  butt, 
and  is  in  the  Bolton  and  Calver  Collection.  Fig.  13  Plate  xvn  represents 
an  unusual  form  of  the  notched  axe  of  better  finish  than  most  specimens 
of  this  class,  and  with  the  notches  worn  until  they  appear  as  grooves  on  the 
opposite  sides  of  the  butt.    This  specimen  is  from  Inwood. 

Specimens  of  the  ungrooved  axe  or  celt  occur  on  Manhattan  Island  and 
are  similar  to  those  shown  in  Figs.  8-17  Plate  v.  In  case  of  the  grooved 
axe,  the  haft  was  split  for  the  reception  of  the  blade  which  was  fitted  in  the 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Manhattan  Island. 


115 


groove  and  bound  above  and  below,  but  the  celt  was  set  in  a  hole  at  one 
end  of  the  handle,  with  the  larger  forms,  the  butt  protruded  from  the  upper 
side;  but  with  the  smaller  kind,  the  blade  was  merely  set  in  like  a  spike. 

Some  celts  in  process  of  manufacture  by  means  of  chipping  have  been 
found,  showing,  as  do  all  the  finished  implements  at  hand,  that  some  care 
was  bestowed  in  their  making.  In  many  parts  of  this  locality,  selected  peb- 
bles were  merely  grooved  or  sharpened  to  serve  as  axes  and  celts. 

Several  rude  chipped  objects  collected  may  have  been  crude  chopping 
tools  or  skin  fleshers,  but  are  probably  unfinished  implements  or  rejects. 
Figs.  11  to  25  Plate  vi  show  chipped  drills  very  similar  to  those  from  Man- 
hattan Island.  Such  drills  were  used  in  perforating  stone,  wood,  bone  or 
pottery.    In  the  latter  case,  a  series  of  parallel  holes  was  made  on  either 


Fig.  13  a  (20-6546),  b  (20-3533),  c  (1-4008),  d  (6546).  Incised  Designs  from  Iroquoian 
Vessels.    Manhattan  Island. 

side  of  the  injury  on  a  cracked  or  broken  vessel  and  the  sides  were  tightly 
laced  together  by  means  of  thongs  or  cord. 

Knives  of  chipped  stone,  as  shown  in  Figs.  1  to  15  Plate  vn  occur  in 
several  forms.  Some  are  like  exaggerated  arrow  points,  others  are  leaf 
shaped.  So  far  as  known,  no  specimens  of  the  slate  semilunar  knife  have 
been  found  in  this  region.  Pitted,  so-called  "hammerstones,"  are  abun- 
dant. Fig.  8  Plate  xvn  illustrates  one  of  these.  The  usual  form  has  two 
pits,  one  on  either  side,  perhaps  to  facilitate  gripping  with  the  thumb  or 
fore-finger.  This  specimen  has  three  such  finger  pits.  Many  of  these 
specimens  have  worn  and  battered  edges  but  others  have  the  edges  per- 
fectly smooth  and  apparently  unused. 

A  single  double-holed  "gorget"  Fig.  2  Plate  xvn  is  in  our  collection 
from  Manhattan  territory.    This  form  is  still  used  by  the  Lenape  Indians 


116        Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


of  Canada  as  a  hair  ornament.1  The  single-holed  pendant  type  was  doubt- 
less once  common  as  it  occurs  all  about  this  region. 


b  £ 


I  i  I  I  I  i  j  I  1  I  I  I  i  I  I  I  <  I  □  |  i 


Fig.  14  a  (20-3498).  ft  (20-3463(.  c  (1-4006).  d  (1-4018),  e  (20-3495)  g  (20-6580),  h  (20- 
3533).  Incised  Designs  from  Iroquoian  Vessels.  Manhattan  Island  (a,  6,  e,  g,  h)  and  Van 
Cortlandt  Park  (c,  d). 


Fig.  15  a  (20-2557).  6  (1-4039).  Incised  Designs  from  Iroquoian  Pottery  Vessels,  Showing 
Conventional  Faces.    Kingsbridge  (a)  and  Van  Cortlandt  Park  (ft). 

The  interesting  and  little  known  class  of  polished  stone  articles  known 
as  " banner  stones"  is  represented  by  a  fine  specimen  of  the  perforated 


1  See  If.  R.  Harrington,  American  Anthropologist,  Vol.  10,  p.  414,  1908. 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Manhattan  Island. 


117 


type  from  the  Bolton  and  Calver  Collection  and  is  shown  in  Fig.  6  Plate 
xvn.  One  "wing"  of  this  specimen  is  broken  and  perforations  have  been 
made  near  the  point  of  fracture  for  mending  it  by  lacing  the  parts  together. 
There  are  also  rude  incised  lines  upon  it  which  may  have  had  ornamental 
or  other  significance.  No  specimen  of  the  notched  form  is  at  hand,  though 
perhaps  such  specimens  have  occurred.    Fig.  4  Plate  xvn  is  a  rude  banner 


e  4  f  /  /  *  *  /  ?  .« 

*  /  f   /    /   4    /   /     *<  *  S 

4  4"  #  *    •*    *   *    «    4/    4s    J     £  j? 

|l(«rilll''*l'l''l''"''''''''l(ll'l''t"(««l'lft(llh'l((l(l/IV/l1(/()/((il»(|«n»tt,. 


Hi..  Klin,,. 
((((■•((((Hi 

nir  riiuir 

•VIMIMfl 

Pvimuri" 

HI, tl<t<> 
lli.INi" 


Iff/I 
mil 

Iftfririiii 
Inn, nt.. 
Kill  fit')' 
If  Hi  if"  • 


MT'K(fri 
"!(((,,,, 
(1(11,(1.. 

iffTuiin 

lffffl.fi  (((1(1 

I  I  ((III  I  •  III, 
'1(1,111.  fffllll 


im.  • 
in 
hi,  , 
Kffli 


1*Z 


,Kii  ii.  •  ((*""  >»(((«>'•  Hmmno   JP  1 


(U(«"j(i("",.'"i"ll""l""'1v^  *F         t  %^    *'  '<"nni^(mittrinth 

♦*    /I  V  \ 

mm,,,  wo"" f  ?A  \  *"  "*""'(r(((,i#""*"(Kc 
  "d " 


m""""i§J  J)  />  xw  %>  V 


Ji  7^*7/77777  2  Zftjf 

in,,  iiinw  limn.  ((((i\  ((Win  iimi>  (7iiiii,»ii»»iii»  TiViii.  tthSiWUhlnte. 
iMMVMiai  Hmi'HWUHWi  l—»nWII»»W«fcl«i  in  MIMiMki 

iMm  win  ((((»• '•""■••f'C'f "id"  IK(«"  (tnmllKWnntfl/iiKlii^.lK'i'lu.. 

iNiiiniN>«  looiiiftKti.  tiifiimirn  .  hkiu, 


oKWIiir 


nfrindiilh.iMi  HirmlfUfW/'  f«*f  << 
(MuiiMHiiiWntinfflii  (""" 


„<i«""""|  §  J  f  s  lf",»"rr,„ 
„*.(«•<  I  |  I  |  |  "'"'""'"i 


I    |    |   |    |  '«W»H(M 


(«(«((m1,((((t<(iuiifc((K'«m«'-*m"""  |  |||  l^Hlhiii 

E  ;   j  *  s 

i«((Kmi  «(((i.."M(M.I"«",«<((»««<ii|  f  |  |  I  "«(&„ 

e  S  *  %  =  miKiddiu,. 


Frg.  16  a  (1-4019),  5  (1-4000),  c  (1-3998), 
Stamped  Designs  from  the  Intermediate  Type  of 


d  (1-4007).  e  (1-4009),  f  (1-3999),  g  (1-4028). 
Vessels.    Van  Cortlandt  Park. 


stone  grooved  only  on  one  side,  an  unusual,  though  not  unknown  feature 
in  this  general  region. 

A  fragment  of  limonite  used  to  obtain  pigment  for  red  paint  and  show- 
ing the  marks  of  scraping  implements  upon  it,  has  been  found  at  Inwood. 
Such  paint  stones  are  not  uncommon  throughout  the  New  York  coastal 
Algonkin  region.  In  some  cases  simple  water  worn  pebbles  have  been 
picked  up  by  the  Indians  and  used  as  they  were  found. 


118        Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


Bone  and  antler  implements,  nowhere  abundant  among  the  New  York 
coastal  Algonkin  as  compared  to  the  Iroquois  tribes  of  the  interior,  are  but 
sparsely  represented.  Fig.  7a  represents  a  bone  used  as  an  awl,  from  the  In- 
wood  rock-shelters.  There  is  none  of  the  finish  about  this  specimen  which 
characterizes  many  of  the  bone  and  antler  implements  found  even  in  imme- 
diately contingent  areas.  Fig.  7b  represents  a  carefully  made  polished  bone 
awl  from  Van  Cortlandt  Park.    This  specimen  has  been  worked  all  over 


Fig.  17  a  (20-3497),  b  (1-4029),  c  (1-4013).  d  (20-6546),  e  (1-4041),  /  (1-4017),  g  (T-24508), 
h  (1-4033).  Stamped  and  Incised.  Design  from  Intermediate  and  Iroquoian  Types.  Van 
Cortlandt  Park. 

and  shows  that  far  more  pains  were  taken  in  its  manufacture  than  in  the 
preceding  three  from  In  wood. 

Fig.  7c  represents  another  aw]  or  needle  in  the  Bolton  and  Calver  Col- 
lection which  is  also  well  made.  It  is  perforated  near  the  blunt  end  or 
butt.  Fig.  11  shows  the  end  of  a  bone  sawed  off  and  partially  perforated 
in  five  places  (two  at  the  base  and  three  in  front)  perhaps  for  use  as  a  "cup" 
in  the  cup  and  ball  game,  for  which,  by  the  way,  the  northern,  or  more 
properly  the  eastern  ( Jree  of  the  James  Bay  Region  of  Canada  use  a  typical 
"bone  awl"  as  a  striking  pin.  This  specimen  like  all  the  following  bone 
and  antler  objects  comes  from  Van  Cortlandt  Park. 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Manhattan  Island. 


119 


Several  fragments  of  cups  or  dishes  made  from  the  bony  carapace  of 
the  box  tortoise  (Tranene  Carolina)  have  been  gathered.  These  show  that 
in  finishing  the  utensil,  the  inner  ribs  have  been  cut  and  scraped,  presenting 
a  smooth  surface. 

Fragments  of  antler  prongs,  slightly  worked  on  one  end,  perhaps  used 
as  pitching  tools,  or  flakers,  in  the  manufacture  of  stone  arrow  points, 
and  tips  of  an  antler  prong  also  showing  sighs  of  wear,  occur  in  the  shell 
heaps,  as  well  as  antler  prongs  broken  from  the  shaft  by  percussion  and 


10  P  P  M  M  0  M  0  ||  0  H  M  I  9  9  M  M II 
lUHMtllHMtlMMMUM'f 

iuccsmandan  t  ot ho  t (U  at  9 1 

Mil  fl  0  H  f  If  99  Ml  991919  0  9  9099 
§999999199  9  9  9  9  9  999  9  9  99  9.9  99  99 
,9  9.9  9  9,9/9  9,9  9  9  9 9  9  9  9  9  9  9  9  9  9  9  9 


Fig.  18  a  (20-3520),  b  (20-3519),  c  (20-3498),  d  (20-6580),  e  (20-6500),  /  (20-3508).  In- 
cised Designs  from  Algonkin  Pottery  Vessels.    Manhattan  Island. 


from  which  the  tips  have  been  cut,  or  rather  sawed,  with  a  stone  knife. 
In  cutting  bone  and  antler  with  a  stone  knife,  the  Indian  sawed  part  way 
through  on  all  sides  and  then  broke  off  the  portion  desired. 

Tips  from  antler  prongs  were  often  hollowed  and  sharpened  in  this  way, 
and  used  as  arrow  points.  Mr.  W.  L.  Calver  has  such  an  arrow  point, 
ornamented  by  incised  cross  hatching  which  he  obtained  in  a  shell  heap  at 
Spuyten  Duyvil.    This  is  shown  in  Fig.  7d. 

Lnless  we  admit  that  the  triangular  arrow-  point  was  an  object  of  war- 


120 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


like  use  in  this  neighborhood,  the  only  object  positively  used  for  this  pur- 
pose is  a  wooden  war  club  in  the  Leiden  Museum.1  It  was  evidently  taken 
back  from  New  Amsterdam,  as  it  was  the  type  of  weapon  used  by  the 
Iroquois  and  western  Algonkian  tribes.  It  is  made  of  maple,  turned  dark 
with  age  and  highly  polished  from  use.  The  dimensions  are:  extreme 
length,  555  mm.;  greatest  diameter,  102  mm.;  thickness  of  the  handle, 
30  mm.  As  shown  in  the  illustration,  there  is  a  perforation  above  the 
handle  or  grip,  while  on  the  outer  edge,  near  the  perforation,  are  twelve 
small  notches.  The  weapon  is  not  decorated,  but  in  form  it  closely  re- 
sembles a  highly  decorated  example  in  the  Ashmolean  Museum,  Oxford. 

As  to  the  pottery  of  this  region,  so  much  regarding  its  manufacture  and 
general  characteristics  has  been  stated  in  our  preceding  paper  that  a  gen- 
eral statement  will  suffice.  Pottery,  considering  the  few  Manhattan  sites 
examined,  is  exceedingly  abundant,  and  the  Iroquoian  type  is  unusually 


Fig.  19  a  (1-4056)  b  (20-6546).  Potsherds  of  the  Intermediate  Type  Showing  Odd 
Designs. 

common.  Not  so  many  varieties  in  shape  are  to  be  observed  as  on  Staten 
Island,  only  three  general  types  occurring;  the  typical  pointed  bottom 
AlgonMn  form,  an  intermediate  between  Iroquoian  and  Algonkin,  and  the 
Iroquoian. 

Two  methods  of  design,  rare  or  unknown  elsewhere,  are  noted;  one 
(Fig.  9)  in  stamped  ornamentation  in  curved  lines;  the  other,  as  in  Fig. 
18f  consists  in  stamping  the  damp  clay  with  the  cut  end  of  a  straw  or  quill 
presenting  a  round  depression  with  a  little  point  or  nipple  in  the  centre, 
these  two  are  on  fragments  of  the  Algonkin  type.  Fig.  13b  is  perhaps 
marked  along  the  edge  of  the  angle  by  impressions  of  the  thumb  nail,  and 
is  Iroquoian,  as  are  Figs.  14h  and  15a-b  where  the  human  face  is  conven- 
tionally incised  after  the  manner  of  specimens  not  infrequently  seen  from 
village  sites  of  the  Iroquois  proper.  All  these  unusual  types  are  from 
Manhattan  Island.    Fig.  18f  shows  a  design  from  a  typically  Algonkin 


1  Illustrated  in  the  American  Anthropologist  for  April-June  1908,  Vol.  10,  p.  333,  by  Mr. 
David  I.  Bushnell,  Jr. 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Manhattan  Island. 


121 


vessel  made  by  incised  lines  and  pressing  some  object,  perhaps  a  bird's  quill 
in  the  damp  clay,  leaving  a  circular  depression  with  a  tiny  nipple  in  the 
centre. 

Plate  xv  represents  a  splendid  and  nearly  perfect  Iroquoian  vessel  of 
great  size  found  on  214th  Street  near  East  River  by  Mr.  W.  L.  Calver  in 
October,  1906.  It  has  a  hole  half  way  down  one  side,  apparently  made 
with  a  stone  perforator,  perhaps  for  the  purpose  of  "killing"  the  pots  as 
done  in  mortuary  pottery  from  the  southeast,  that  its  spirit  may  accompany 
the  owner  to  the  hereafter.  The  pot  was  found  in  a  deposit  of  stained 
sand  where  a  skeleton  may  have  lain,  but  no  traces  of  human  remains  were 
seen  (p.  88). 

Traces  of  grease  and  soot  from  cooking  are  often  seen  on  Manhattan 
pottery  as  from  most  of  the  neighboring  sites.  Broken  vessels,  here  as 
elsewhere  were  mended  by  boring  holes  on  either  side  of  the  break  in  paral- 
lel order  and  then  lacing  together  with  sinew.  No  steatite  is  reported 
although  it  may  have  been  used. 


THE  ROCK-SHELTERS  OF  ARMONK,  NEW  YORK. 

BV 

JVL  R.  HARRINGTON. 


Introduction. 


The  vicinity  of  Armonk,  Westchester  County,  New  York,  is  a  country 
of  rocky  ledges  running  north  and  south,  with  valleys,  between,  some  of 
which  contain  streams.  Great  glacial  boulders  may  be  seen  upon  the 
hilltops,  while  small  patches  of  drift  lie  at  the  junction  of  the  valleys,  prob- 
ably representing  the  sand  bars  of  the  post-glacial  torrents  running  bank 
full  down  the  narrow  valleys  through  which  the  tiny  brooks  of  to-day  wind 
their  peaceful  course.  The  bed  rock  forming  the  ledges  is  mainly  gneissic, 
with  a  few  outcrops  of  dolomite  limestone,  known  as  "Tuckahoe  Marble." 
The  strata,  as  a  rule,  tip  up  to  the  east.  Here  and  there,  in  the  sheltered 
valleys,  along  some  running  brook,  the  plow  turns  up  the  stone  chips  and 
charcoal  of  an  ancient  village  or  encampment,  from  which  many  specimens 
illustrating  the  life  of  the  aborigines  have  been  picked  up  by  local  collec- 
tors. Back  among  the  rocks  from  these  village  sites,  yet  usually  near  them, 
in  places  where  the  outcropping  strata  overhang  in  the  form  of  a  rock-shelter, 
may  sometimes  be  found  other  traces  of  primitive  man. 

Finch's  Rock  House. 

By  far  the  largest  of  these  rock-shelters  is  known  as  Finch's  Rock  House. 
It  lies  a  little  less  than  2\  miles  northeast  of  the  village  of  Armonk  (three 
miles  by  road)  on  the  property  of  George  Sniffen.  The  shelter  has  been 
formed  by  the  falling  of  a  huge  mass  of  rock  from  the  face  of  the  ledge,  leav- 
ing a  cave  23  feet  long,  10  feet  wide  and  11  feet  high  in  front.  The  great 
slab  did  not  fall  away  from  the  ledge,  but  remained  so  as  to  practically  block 
the  mouth  of  the  cave  and  shelter  it  on  the  fourth  side,  though  leaving  an 
entrance  at  each  end  (Plate  xviii). 

Although  the  cave  has  long  been  a  favorite  place  of  resort  for  the  country 
people,  no  one  ever  suspected  its  contents,  until  the  writer  thrust  his  spade 
into  the  black  earth  of  the  floor  and  turned  up  split  deer  bones  and  charcoal, 
revealing  the  character  of  the  place  beyond  a  doubt.  On  the  surface, 
little  was  apparent,  except  a  fan-shaped  dump  of  earth  at  the  north  entrance 
the  "sweepings"  of  the  ancient  dwellers.  At  the  bottom  of  this  dump, 
24  feet  from  the  north  entrance,  digging  was  begun,  covering  the  whole 
slope  up  to  the  mouth  of  the  shelter  in  five  transverse  sections. 

125 


126 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


The  soil  of  the  dump  was  stony  and  the  Indian  deposit  shallow,  only 
18  inches  deep  at  the  cave  mouth,  the  deepest  point.  In  this  dump  were 
found  charcoal,  split  and  broken  animal  bones,  shells  of  marine  and  fresh 
water  species,  potsherds,  chips  and  fragments  of  quartz  and  chert,  nine 
chipped  implements  (mostly  arrow  points),  a  very  rude  celt  and  three  pieces 
of  the  stems  of  Indian  terra  cotta  pipes,  together  with  three  fragments  of 
English  clay  trade  pipes,  stamped  R.  T.  on  the  back  and  R.  Tippet  on  the 
front.  The  stone  objects  lay  near  the  bottom  of  the  dump,  while  the  pottery 
and  bones  were  well  scattered,  though  more  numerous  on  the  side  nearest 
the  fallen  rock. 

The  cave  was  then  excavated  by  means  of  three  transverse  trenches, 


Fig.  20.    Ground  Plan  of  "Finch's  Rock  House."    Scale  —  1  inch  =  8  ft. 


10  feet  long  by  5  feet  broad,  and  one  10  feet  long  by  3  feet  broad  —  four 
trenches  in  all.  It  was  soon  found  that  the  deposit  forming  the  floor  of  the 
cave  consisted  of  three  layers:  —  a  top  layer  of  relic-bearing  black  earth, 
thickest  and  richest  near  the  northern  entrance;  an  intermediate  layer  of 
yellowish  sand,  varying  in  thickness  and  containing  no  relics;  and  finally, 
a  bottom  layer  of  black  earth,  thickest  near  the  southern  entrance,  and 
containing  relics  (Figs.  20,  21,  and  22).  The  first  trench  contained  many 
split  deer  bones,  scattered  in  patches.  This  trench  was  begun  at  the  north 
entrance,  and  here  the  bones  lav  thickest.  Several  hearths  and  ash  beds 
were  observed,  one  of  the  former  being  in  a  natural  niche  in  the  northern 


1909.] 


Harrington,  Rock  Shelters. 


127 


corner  of  the  cave.  Two  triangular  arrow  points  of  sheet  copper  or  brass, 
two  gun-flints  (one  of  these  of  European  stone)  eleven  whole  and  broken 
chipped  points,  nine  pieces  of  early  clay  trade  pipes,  three  bone  awls  and 
two  cut  bones,  besides  the  usual  split  deer  bones,  shells,  burnt  stones  and 
potsherds  were  found  in  the  top  layer,  which  was  about  one  foot  deep. 
The  bottom  layer,  divided  from  the  top  layer  at  this  point  by  only  a  narrow 
band  of  yellow  sand  and  ashes,  was  from  6  to  14  inches  deep  and  contained 
rude  and  partly  chipped  pieces  of  quartz,  a  rude  quartz  blade,  a  broken 
arrow  point,  a  scraper  polished  by  use,  and  shells,  bones,  and  charcoal. 

The  second  trench  revealed,  in  the  top  layer,  a  bone  awl,  two  pieces  of 
terra  cotta  pipe  stem,  one  of  which  shows  the  toothmarks  of  the  user, 
two  pieces  of  trade  pipes,  a  piece  of  clam  shell  showing  marks  of  use  as 
sinew-dresser  (?),  and  the  common  potsherds,  bones,  shells  and  bits  of 
quartz.  The  bottom  layer  contained  five  rude  implements  and  rejects  of 
quartz,  a  piece  of  cut  unio  shell,  and  a  very  rude  arrow  point  of  slaty  stone 
with  the  notches  scratched  in,  instead  of  chipped.  A  hammerstone  was  also 
found,  together  with  the  common  chips,  shells  and  bones,  but  no  pottery. 
A  large  hearth  was  in  this  layer,  at  the  eastern  end  of  the  trench  (Fig.  21). 

The  third  trench  contained  in  the  top  layer  a  trade  pipe  marked  "T. 
Grant,"  an  arrow-head,  a  few  hammerstones,  and  the  usual  material. 
The  contents  of  the  bottom  layer  of  this  trench  were  as  follows :  — 

Piece  of  cut  antler,  4  feet  from  surface. 

Small  quartz  triangular  point,  4  feet. 

Large,  celt-like  chipped  implement,  3£  feet. 

Oval  blade  of  quartz  and  small  arrow  point,  3  feet. 

Quartz  reject,  3  feet. 

Leaf-shaped  blade  of  quartz,  and  2  arrow  points,  2  feet. 

Point  of  large  quartzite  blade,  2  feet. 

Portion  of  poll  of  grooved  ax. 

3  hammerstones,  one  of  them  with  pits. 

Pieces  of  quartz,  animal  bones  and  pottery  were  common.  The  points 
were  found  in  patches,  while  most  of  the  bones,  shells  and  chips  were  in  the 
east  end. 

The  fourth  trench  was  larger  than  the  others,  being  8  feet  instead  of  5 
feet  wide.  Here,  however,  the  top  layer  disappeared,  after  yielding  a  few 
of  the  common  objects  and  a  grooved  stone  upon  which  bone  awls  had  been 
sharpened,  the  yellow  layer  became  very  deep,  and  the  bottom  layer  finally 
came  to  an  end  at  a  depth  of  over  4  feet  after  yielding  the  following 
objects :  — 

Broken  hammerstone  with  scratched  notches,  2 \  feet  deep. 
Thick  quartz  spear  point,  2  feet. 


128 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


Very  crude  slate  point,  chipped,  2  feet. 
Quartz  reject,  rude,  4  feet. 

Black  triangular  point,  rude  point  and  2  rude  objects,  3  feet. 
2  pieces  of  antler,  one  gnawed. 
Chips,  shells  and  bones. 

This  finished  the  work  in  the  cave.  Two  very  shallow  and  heavy 
mortars,  or  anvil  stones,  were  noticed  in  digging,  but  their  great  weight 
and  the  consequent  difficulty  of  transportation  made  it  unprofitable  to  re- 
move them.  Belowr  the  southern  entrance  of  the  cave  some  crevices  in  the 
rocks  contained  refuse  such  as  bones,  chips,  etc.  In  one  crevice  22  feet 
from  the  southern  entrance,  a  number  of  pieces  of  well-decorated  pot  rims 
were  found.  A  number  of  bones  of  domestic  animals  in  a  good  state  of 
preservation  were  found  in  some  of  the  crevices;  but  these  were  probably 
dragged  to  the  site  by  foxes,  numerous  at^he  present  day  in  this  region. 


Fig.  21.    Vertical  Section  of  Refuse  in  Finch's  Rock  House,  Trench  2. 
Scale  —  1  inch  =  4ft. 


When  the  exploration  described  above  had  been  completed,  it  was 
thought  that  everything  of  value  had  been  found  and  removed  from  the 
cave;  but  on  further  deliberation,  taking  into  consideration  the  darkness 
of  the  cave  and  the  blackness  and  stickiness  of  the  cave  dirt,  it  was  thought 
best  to  sift  the  entire  contents.  The  results  were  surprising.  The  earth 
had  all  been  carefully  trowelled  over,  then  thrown  with  a  shovel  so  that  it 
could  be  watched  —  but  a  great  number  of  things  had  been  overlooked,  as 
the  subsequent  sifting  showed.  Of  course  all  data  as  to  depth  and  position 
have  been  lost,  yet  the  specimens  are  valuable  as  having  come  from  the  cave. 
They  are  as  follows:  — 

Perforated  arrow  point  of  sheet  brass  or  copper. 
3  more  or  less  perfect  stone  drills. 


1909.] 


Harrington,  Rock  Shelters. 


129 


95  perfect  or  nearly  perfect  arrow  points. 

5  small  scrapers. 

A  rude  celt  with  edge  broken. 

Portion  of  a  banner  stone. 

Portion  of  a  terra  cotta  pipe. 

Cut  and  drilled  bone  of  deer,  used  in  game. 

Portion  of  a  bird  bone  bead. 

10  worked  bones. 

There  were  many  other  objects  of  minor  importance.  The  arrow  points 
varied  from  some  of  the  finest  to  some  of  the  rudest  local  specimens  the 
writer  has  ever  seen. 

The  foods  used  by  the  Indians  living  in  this  Rock  House  as  shown  by 


Fig.  22.  Vertical  Section  of  Refuse  in  Finch's  Rock  House,  about  midway  of  the  Cave, 
Fig.  21. 

Scale  —  1  inch  =  4  ft. 

the  refuse  examined,  were  as  follows:  deer,  bear,  raccoon,  woodchuck, 
squirrel,  small  animals  and  birds  not  identified,  snapping  turtle,  land  turtle, 
oyster  (ostrea  edulis  Linn.),  quahog  (mercenaria  mercenaria  Linn. )M  soft 
clam  (my  a  arenaria  Linn.),  scallop  (pecten  concentricus  Say),  mussel  (mo- 
diola  plicatula  Lamk.),  black  mussel  (mytilus  edulis  Linn.),  brook  mussel 
{unio  complanatus  Sol.),  land  snail  (helix  abolabris  Say,  helix  alternata), 
limpet  (crepidula  formista  Lamk.),  and  " jingle  shells"  (anomia  glabra 
Verrill). 

This  Rock  House  must  have  been  a  favorite  place  of  resort  in  the  old  days. 
So  hidden  was  it,  that  marauding  war-parties  could  pass  through  the  valley 
of  the  Mianus,  but  a  short  distance  away,  and  neyer  suspect  its  existence. 
Water  was  near  at  hand,  both  in  a  "pond  hole"  about  50  feet  from  the  cave, 
and  in  a  small  stream  a  few  rods  away.    When  the  cold  winds  of  winter 


130         Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


came  whistling  over  the  snowy  hills,  a  few  poles  and  mats  leaned  against  the 
ledge  from  the  great  rock  in  front,  and  made  fast  with  a  few  stones,  would 
make  as  warm  and  comfortable  a  house  as  any  Indian  could  wish.  The 
smoke  of  the  fires  could  escape  through  crevices  in  the  rocks.  Nature  had 
even  provided  a  shelf  of  stone  upon  which  the  Indian  could  lay  his  posses- 
sions. In  fact,  the  conditions  were  so  good  that  the  place  was  occupied 
soon  after  the  great  stone  had  fallen  from  the  ledge.  This  is  shown  by  the 
presence  of  implements  on  the  original  rock  bottom  of  the  cave.  Then 
followed  a  long  period  of  habitation,  enough  to  build  up  refuse  to  the  depth 
of  two  feet  in  favorable  places. 

Very  fine  arrow  points  were  made  at  this  time,  but  the  other  stone  tools 
were  rude,  and  there  was  no  pottery.  The  culture  had  reached  the  grooved 
ax  and  notched  banner  stone  stage,  however.  Chips  and  rejects  attest  the 
manufacture  of  implements,  while  beds  of  ashes  and  charcoal  tell  of  bygone 
fires.  The  deer  was  hunted,  his  meat  cooked  and  his  bones  split  for  the 
marrow.  Clams,  oysters  and  scallops  were  brought  from  Long  Island  Sound 
about  15  miles  away,  and  even  the  brook  mussels  (unio)  were  gathered. 
"W  ell  worn  scrapers  and  battered  hammerstones  tell  the  story  of  toil  —  the 
story  as  old  as  man.  These  people  lived  and  died;  then  came  a  period 
when  the  Rock  House  stood  without  a  tenant,  and  the  yellow  sand  sifted  in 
and  washed  down  over  the  deserted  hearths.  How  long  this  period  was,  no 
man  can  say,  but  when  the  Indians  came  back  they  had  pottery,  well-made 
decorated  pottery.  Then  life  began  again,  much  as  before;  the  deer  was 
still  hunted,  the  shell-fish  still  brought  from  the  distant  Sound  and  the 
neighboring  brooks,  the  refuse  accumulated  and  was  swept  from  the  cave, 
but  the  people  had  the  pottery  which  marks  a  great  step  in  the  advancement 
of  a  race.  This  pottery  is  mainly  of  the  Iroquoian  type,  as  is  much  of  an- 
cient Westchester  County  pottery  in  contrast  to  the  typically  Algonkin 
pottery  of  Long  Island,  where  Iroquois  forms  are  very  rare.  The  people 
of  the  upper  layer  were,  however,  probably  Algonkins,  either  of  the  Siwanoy 
or  Tankiteke  tribes,  which  history  and  tradition  assign  to  the  locality. 
These  people  saw  the  first  coming  of  the  White  man  —  accepted  his  wonder- 
ful gifts,  his  guns,  his  unbreakable  shining  arrow  points  of  brass,  his  beautiful 
white  clay  pipes  —  all  very  good  and  useful  in  their  way,  even  if  the  gun  did 
scare  away  more  deer  than  it  killed.  Then  came  the  final  gifts  of  civilization 
to  the  Indian,  whiskey,  smallpox,  and  death.  So  the  book  was  closed,  the 
story  written,  the  fox  and  the  woodchuck  took  possession. 


1909.]  Harrington,  Rock  Shelters.  131 


Fig.  23.    Rock-shelter  Region  of  Westchester  Co.,  N.  Y.  and  Fairfield  Co.,  Conn. 

Scale  —  1  inch  =  1  mile. 

B    Burial  Ground.  S  Rock-shelter. 

C    Camp  Site.  V  Village  Site. 

—  Explored  by  the  Writer. 


132        Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


Nebo  Rocks. 

This  rock-shelter  is  situated  about  1£  miles  west  northwest  of  Armonk, 
on  the  west  bank  of  a  little  brook,  one  of  the  tributaries  of  the  Bronx  River 
(Fig.  23).  It  consists  of  a  ledge  of  rock  overhanging  to  the  east,  forming  a 
shelter  26  feet  long,  14  feet  high  in  front,  and  10  feet  wide  at  the  widest  part. 
The  ground  was  covered  with  chips  and  fragments  of  quartz  and  flint,  while 
a  large  pitted  stone,  weighing  perhaps  50  pounds,  lay  in  full  view.  This 
was  not  disturbed  because  of  its  weight.  Excavations  revealed  only  an 
arrow  point  and  a  reject  near  the  back  of  the  shelter,  and  the  common  chips 
and  bits  of  quartz.  This  place  had  been  thoroughly  dug  over  by  local 
collectors,  hence  it  was  not  surprising  that  so  little  was  found.  Arrow- 
heads only,  however,  were  found  by  previous  collectors,  but  neither  bones 
nor  pottery. 

Another  shelter,  very  small,  was  discovered  at  the  north  end  of  Byram 
Lake,  near  a  camp  site.    Nothing  of  importance  was  found. 

Helicker's  Cave. 

About  one  mile  southwest  of  Armonk,  near  the  headwater  of  Bear 
Gutter  Brook  and  but  a  few  hundred  yards  west  of  the  road  to  Kensico,  is 
''Bet  Helicker's  Cave,"  its  gaping  mouth  facing  southeast  (Fig.  23).  It 
more  nearly  approaches  a  true  cave  in  form  than  any  of  the  others  seen  by 
the  writer;  but  instead  of  opening  out  inside  it  becomes  smaller  and  smaller, 
finally  making  a  sharp  turn  to  the  left  (Plate  xvm  and  Fig.  24).  At  this 
point  the  width  is  about  6  feet  and  the  height  3  feet,  in  contrast  to  the  mouth 
measurements : —  width,  15  feet,  height  12  feet.  The  turn  is  25  feet  from  the 
mouth,  beyond  that,  the  cave  becomes  so  low  that  further  progress  is  im- 
possible and  the  explorer  backs  out  as  best  he  can,  gladly  leaving  the  far  end 
of  the  passage  to  the  foxes  and  copper-head  snakes  which  haunt  the  place. 

The  remains  of  a  rude  wall  of  irregular  fragments  of  rock  were  observed 
across  the  southern  side  of  the  cave  mouth,  but  whether  the  structure  was 
the  work  of  Indians  or  more  modern  campers  is  impossible  to  say.  The 
wall,  when  complete,  together  with  a  fallen  stone  which  blocks  the  northern 
side  of  the  entrance  would  have  effectually  protected  the  cave.  On  and  near 
the  surface  within  the  cave  were  clay  pipes  and  broken  crockery  of  the 
Revolutionary  period,  also  a  White  man's  fireplace  with  bones  of  domestic 
animals  bearing  saw  marks.  The  crockery  is  very  similar  to  that  found  by 
Mr.  Calver  in  the  ash  heap  of  the  "  Blue  Bell  Tavern  "  a  Revolutionary 
hostlery  at  181st  Street,  Manhattan.    In  addition  to  these  objects  of  Euro- 


1909.] 


Harrington,  Rock  Shelters. 


133 


pean  manufacture,  were  found  a  bone  awl,  a  copper  stained  bone,  and  a 
number  of  animal  bones  and  teeth,  most,  if  not  all  of  which  are  of  undoubted 
Indian  origin.  Two  Indian  fireplaces  were  also  found,  one  of  them  near  the 
fallen  rock,  the  other  further  back.  The  former  consisted  of  an  angular 
cavity  in  the  rock  floor,  18  inches  wide  by  2  feet  long  and  18  inches  deep. 
Ashes,  charcoal,  charred  bones  and  teeth  of  animals,  two  potsherds,  a  broken 


Fig.  24.    Ground  Plan  of  Helicker's  Cave. 
Scale  —  1  inch  =  12  ft. 


English  trade  pipe,  shells  of  marine  and  fresh  water  species,  rejects  and  chips 
were  found  in  the  cavity.  Bones,  potsherds,  rejects  and  chips  were  found 
in  the  earth  of  the  cave  floor,  some  of  them  as  much  as  10  inches  deep. 
The  Indian  layer  became  thinner  as  the  work  progressed,  until  it  disappeared 
altogether  at  the  first  turn  of  the  passage. 

To  the  north  of  the  entrance,  just  outside  the  line  of  shelter  was  another 
"pocket"  in  the  rocks  possibly  used  as  a  fireplace.  It  contained  a  few 
broken  arrow  points,  a  quantity  of  animal  bones,  a  few  potsherds  and  a 
number  of  shells,  rejects,  etc.  In  the  refuse  in  the  vicinity  of  this  fireplace, 
were  found,  among  the  more  common  materials  a  scraper  made  of  oyster 
shell,  and  much  pottery,  some  decorated. 

Down  the  bluff,  about  15  feet  from  the  entrance  and  to  the  southeast 
of  it  was  another  deposit  of  refuse,  3  feet  deep  in  places.  Here  were  found 
a  celt-like  implement  of  chipped  quartzite,  arrow-heads,  chips,  rejects, 
potsherds,  bones,  charcoal,  and  an  English  trade  pipe  stamped  R.  T.  on  the 


134 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


right  side,  All  through  the  refuse  deposits  were  found  scattered  shells  of 
unio,  oysters,  quahog,  soft  elam,  mussel  and  scallop.  Salt  water  is  nearly 
15  miles  from  this  cave,  hence  the  shells  must  have  been  transported  that 
distance. 

The  impression  conveyed  by  the  results  of  this  exploration  was  that  the 
site  had  been  occupied  subsequent  to  the  coming  of  the  White  man.  This 
impression  was  strengthened  by  the  finding  of  many  sheep  bones  in  the 
cave,  as  well  as  the  bones  of  deer.  The  name  of  the  cave,  "Bet  Helicker's 
Rocks"  was  given  on  account  of  an  old  woman  of  that  name  whose  hut  had 
once  stood  in  the  woods  near  by. 

A  large  overhanging  rock  just  north  of  the  cave  showed  no  signs  of  use 
as  a  shelter. 

Leather  Man's  Shelter. 

On  Quaker  Ridge,  just  across  the  State  line  into  Connecticut  and  1\ 
miles  southeast  of  Armonk,  is  Leather  Man's  Rock-shelter  (Plate  xix). 
The  name  of  "Leather  Man"  a  solitary  wanderer  dressed  from  head  to 
foot  in  leather  clothing  of  his  own  manufacture,  is  well  known  to  this  day 
throughout  the  northern  part  of  Westchester  County,  although  the  strange 
old  man  died  in  1888.  The  shelter  above  mentioned  was  one  of  the  many 
caves  and  stopping  places  used  by  the  hermit  in  his  wanderings,  thus  getting 
its  name.  The  shelter  was  rather  small,  overhanging  but  3^  feet;  the 
length  was  20  feet,  facing  east.  Scraps  and  thongs  of  leather  abounded  on 
the  surface  while  beneath  was  an  Indian  layer,  in  places  8  inches  deep. 
No  bones  were  found  here,  only  chips,  broken  points  and  last,  but  not 
least,  a  large  part  of  the  rim  of  the  most  ornate  local  pot  of  the  Iroquois  type 
the  writer  has  ever  seen. 

Little  Helicker's. 

Not  far  southwest  of  Helicker's  Cave  (previously  described)  was  found 
a  small  shelter  containing  a  spring.  Here  were  found  a  few  potsherds,  chips 
and  broken  arrow-heads  —  nothing  more. 

A  small  shelter  just  north  of  Finch's  Rock  House  contained  a  number  of 
fragments  of  a  single  jar,  but  nothing  else. 

Mahoney  Shelter. 

This  is  a  small  shelter  situated  on  one  of  the  branches  of  the  east  fork  of 
the  Byram  River,  about  two  miles  north  by  east  of  Riverville,  Connecticut 


1909.]  Harrington,  Rock  Shelters.  135 

and  four  miles  southeast  of  Armonk.  It  is  in  Fairfield  County,  Connecticut 
on  the  property  of  Philip  Mahoney.  The  Indian  layer  ran  to  the  depth 
of  8  inches  in  places,  and  contained  many  marine  shells,  a  few  animal  bones 
and  chips,  a  pitted  stone  and  three  first  rate  arrow  points.  This  was  prob- 
ably a  temporary  stopping  place  (Plate  xx). 

Quartz  Quarry  Rock-Shelter. 

Five  miles  northeast  by  east  of  Armonk,  north  of  Banksville  and  south- 
west of  East  Middle  Patent  lies  a  great  stretch  of  woods,  very  nearly  in  its 
primitive  condition.  The  few  farms  which  border  the  unfrequented,  rocky 
and  tortuous  roads  are  for  the  most  part  deserted,  their  fields  overgrown 
with  briers  and  saplings,  their  houses  fallen  in  ruin.  In  the  middle  of  this 
wooded  area  is  a  large  tract  of  swampy  ground,  furnishing  water  to  a  number 
of  tributaries  of  the  Mianus  River.  A  great  ledge  of  quartz  towers  among 
the  trees  at  the  source  of  one  of  these  streams,  overhanging  at  one  point  in 


Fig.  25.    Ground  Plan  of  Quartz  Quarry  Rock-shelter. 
Scale  —  1  inch  =  10  ft. 

the  form  of  a  rock-shelter.  Most  of  the  quartz  in  the  vicinity  is  very  impure 
but  wherever  there  is  a  vein  of  good  stone,  the  ground  is  full  of  broken  frag- 
ments and  chips.  For  lack  of  time  no  attention  was  paid  to  the  quarry. 
The  shelter  however,  was  examined.  It  proved  to  be  forty  feet  long  and 
nine  feet  deep,  the  cliff  being  thirty  feet  high  (Plate  xx).  The  refuse  be- 
neath the  shelter  was  limited  in  extent,  varying  from  four  to  eight  inches  in 
depth.  Two  fire  pits  were  found,  one  of  them  18  inches  deep.  The  follow- 
ing is  a  list  of  the  material  found :  — 

Stemmed  arrow  point  of  quartz,  6  inches  below  the  surface. 
Stemmed  arrow  point  of  quartz,  small,  10  inches  below. 


136        Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


Large  reject  of  quartz,  12  inches  below. 

17  more  or  less  perfect  points  of  different  materials,  rejects,  etc.,  also  2  pieces  of 
mica. 

Small  bone  awl,  weathered. 
Piece  of  cut  bone. 

Prong  of  deer  antler,  2  raccoon  jaws,  1  mink  jaw. 

29  small  potsherds,  some  decorated. 

5  hammerstones,  3  of  them  quartz. 

75  more  or  less  chipped  pieces  of  quartz,  also  flint. 

One  lot  of  shells,  mainly  marine,  and  100  split  deer  bones. 

It  is  probable  that  the  Indians  camped  here  while  mining  quartz. 

Riverville  Shelter. 

The  two  principal  forks  of  the  Bvram  River,  one  taking  its  rise  in  Wam- 
pus and  Byram  Lakes,  the  other  near  the  source  of  the  Mianus  River,  join 
their  waters  at  Riverville,  Fairfield  County,  Connecticut,  and  begin  their 
final  journey  to  Long  Island  Sound.  At  the  very  forks  where  the  valleys 
meet,  the  last  intervening  ridge  cuds  in  a  rocky  ledge  —  a  ledge  which  over- 
hangs slightly,  forming  a  rock-shelter,  withal  a  very  poor  one  (Plate  xix). 
However,  the  very  favorable  location,  at  the  junction  of  two  valleys  and 
hence  two  lines  of  travel,  caused  it  to  be  such  a  desirable  stopping  place  — 
no  one  could  miss  it  —  that  the  traces  left  behind  are  second  only  to  those 
found  in  Finch's  Rock  House,  which  latter  was  doubtless  a  more  or  less 
permanent  dwelling  place.  Although  the  shelter  lay  at  the  forks  of  two 
roads  as  well  as  of  two  streams,  no  one  had  ever  suspected  that  Indian 
relics  lay  within.  Three  whitened,  split  deer  bones,  a  few  bits  of  shell  and 
quartz,  and  a  weather  beaten  fragment  of  decorated  pottery,  all  lying  on  the 
surface,  told  the  storv. 

The  shelter,  which  is  slightly  curved  in  form,  faces  southwest  and  south 
and  is  65  feet  long  over  all.  ( )f  this,  only  about  45  feet  had  been  occupied  — 
the  portion  facing  southwest.  Eight  feet  is  the  greatest  width,  the  average 
width  being  less  than  that,  so  it  is  probable  that  poles  were  leaned  up  against 
the  shelter  to  make  it  habitable.  At  the  western  end  a  number  of  large 
stones  had  fallen  from  the  ledge,  and  among  these,  the  deepest  refuse  deposit 
lay,  2£  feet  deep.  The  earth  of  this  large  hole  was  intensely  black,  con- 
taining split  bones,  arrow-heads,  pottery,  etc.  (Fig.  20).  Near  the  bottom 
of  this  cavity,  which  was  seven  or  eight  feet  in  diameter,  were  a  number  of 
slabs  which  had  fallen  from  the  ledge  above;  but  the  black  earth  continued 
beneath  them.  In  the  dump  just  outside  of  this  cavity,  a  number  of  water- 
worn  pebbles  were  noticed,  as  well  as  the  usual  relics.  A  terrace  of  black 
refuse  dirt  continued  eastward  under  the  shelter  for  30  feet,  where  the  black 


1909.] 


Harrington,  Rock  Shelters. 


137 


faded  into  brown  and  yellow  earth  containing  no  relies.  This  terrace  was 
richest  near  the  back  of  the  shelter,  arrow-heads,  rejects,  etc.,  being  plentiful, 
while  pottery  was  scarce.    Most  of  the  material  lay  near  the  surface,  very 


Fig.  26.    Plan  of  Riverville  Rock-shelter. 
Scale  —  1  inch  =  20  ft. 


little  of  it  being  30  inches  deep.  The  most  important  objects  found,  are 
embraced  in  the  following  list :  — 

Large  spear  or  knife  point  of  red  jasper. 

Small  triangular  flint  point,  resharpened. 

Quartz  point,  stemmed,  much  worn  by  use  as  a  drill. 

23  arrow  points,  etc.,  different  materials. 

Deeply  scored  red  paintstone. 

Rejects,  rude  blades,  etc. 

About  75  potsherds,  some  decorated. 

Split  animal  bones,  mostly  of  deer. 

Bones  of  raccoon  and  turtle. 

7  worked  bones  and  broken  bone  implements. 

9  crude  hammerstones. 

Broken  pestle. 

48  broken  points  and  rejects,  one  slightly  pitted  stone. 

Chips,  flakes,  and  pieces  of  flint  and  quartz. 

1  human  tooth. 

Shells  of  marine  species. 

Nothing  of  European  manufacture  was  discovered,  and  this  fact,  to- 
gether with  the  scarcity  of  pottery,  seems  to  give  an  early  date  to  this  site. 
It  was  probably  merely  a  stopping  place,  a  sort  of  primitive  "road  house" 
for  the  travellers  en  route  from  the  woods  to  the  Sound  or  from  the  Sound  to 
the  woods. 

The  explorations  upon  which  this  paper  is  based  were  conducted  by  the 
writer  for  the  Museum  in  1900  and  1901  and  the  collections,  together  with 
other  data  are  in  the  possession  of  this  institution. 


138        Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.   [Vol.  III. 

It  is  only  fair  to  say,  before  closing  this  paper,  that  the  purposes  of  the 
Museum  were  greatly  facilitated  by  Mr.  J.  Howard  Quinby  of  Armonk, 
who  acted  as  guide  and  general  assistant,  and  who  assisted  the  writer  in 
every  way  possible.  Mr.  Quinby  has  been  a  collector  of  surface  material 
for  many  years,  has  explored  several  small  shelters  on  his  own  account,  and 
has  thus  accumulated  a  large  and  interesting  collection. 


INDIAN  ROCK-SHELTERS  IN  NORTHERN  NEW  JERSEY 
AND  SOUTHERN  NEW  YORK. 

BY 

MAX  SCHRABISCH. 


The  writer  wishes  to  acknowledge  the  inspiration  he  has  received 
from  the  archaeological  work  of  Dr.  Charles  Conrad  Abbott. 


Passaic  County,  New  Jersey. 


Upper  Preakness.  During  the  last  eight  years,  i.  e.  since  1900,  the 
writer  has  discovered  altogether  seventeen  Indian  rock-shelters,  that  is  to 
say,  such  as  give  unmistakable  evidence  of  ancient  occupation.  Nine  of 
them  have  been  located  in  the  State  of  New  Jersey;  viz-.,  three  in  Passaic 
County  and  six  in  Morris  County.  The  remaining  eight  are  in  the  State 
of  New  York,  Rockland  County  figuring  with  five,  Orange  County  with 
three.  It  was  in  the  early  part  of  the  summer  of  1900  that  I  came  across 
the  first  of  the  seventeen  shelters.  It  is  at  Upper  Preakness,  in  the  County 
of  Passaic,  six  miles  north  of  Paterson,  in  a  section  of  country  which  is 
thickly  wooded  and  little  frequented  by  human  beings.  A  striking  feature 
of  this  region  is  the  large  number  of  gullies  or  ravines,  intersecting  it  in  all 
directions.  One  of  these,  locally  known  as  the  Clove,  is  particularly  inter- 
esting because  of  its  wildness  and  scenic  charms.  It  occupies  a  central 
portion  in  this  labyrinth  of  woodland,  is  perfectly  straight  for  nearly  a  mile 
and  runs  north  due  south  from  Franklin  Lake,  a  sheet  of  water  which  the 
aborigines  in  their  flowery  language  called  Crystal  Eye,  towTards  the  road 
connecting  the  Pompton  turnpike  with  Oakland.  On  the  western  side  of 
the  Clove,  not  far  from  its  southern  extremity,  a  series  of  overhanging  rocks 
will  be  noticed  which  attracted  the  writer's  attention  bv  reason  of  the  an- 
cient  smoke  marks,  displayed  on  the  walls  of  the  ledge.  Later  investiga- 
tions established  the  fact  that  this  locality  had,  at  some  remote  time,  served 
for  human  habitation.  There  are  in  all,  four  cave-like  compartments  at 
the  base  of  the  precipitous  rock,  which  is  about  twenty  feet  high  and  three 
hundred  feet  long.  Some  time  during  the  winter  of  1907-1908  the  roof  of 
the  northernmost  compartment  had  tumbled  down,  heaved  by  frost,  its 
fragments,  some  of  them  very  large,  being  deposited  along  the  base  of  the 
cliff.  About  four  hundred  meters  up  the  Clove,  the  Singac  brook  takes 
its  rise  and  in  its  course  down  the  ravine  it  flows  past  the  shelters,  spread- 
ing its  waters  over  a  rock-girt  swamp  a  short  distance  below. 

When  the  writer  began  his  investigations,  he  had  to  remove  from  under 
the  ledge  a  layer  of  decayed  leaves  and  other  vegetable  matter,  more  than 
two  feet  thick,  which  deposit  represented  the  accumulation  of  at  least  twro 
hundred  years.  Under  this  he  found,  right  on  the  surface  of  the  soil  thus 
exposed,  hundreds  of  pieces  of  broken  pottery,  with  and  without  ornamen- 

141 


142       Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.    [Vol.  Ill, 


tation,  the  largest  fragments  being  of  the  size  of  a  man's  palm.  The  orna- 
mented pieces  were  either  cord-marked  or  they  showed  such  conventional 
designs  as  dotted  and  incised  lines.  The  last-named  design  displayed  two 
patterns,  viz.,  parallel  and  zigzag  lines.  One  of  the  fragments,  evidently 
belonging  to  the  brim  of  a  pot,  was  deeply  notched  or  serrated  along  the 
edge,  the  number  of  indentations  being  four  to  an  inch.  While  all  of  the 
potsherds  were  found  either  on  the  surface  or  at  a  depth  not  exceeding  two 
inches,  none  of  the  other  objects  was  a  surface  find.  Altogether,  I  unearthed 
twenty-nine  arrow-heads,  seven  spear-points,  several  stone  hammers,  flint 
knives,  scrapers,  drills,  sinew  dressers  and  one  rubbing  stone.  Needless 
to  say  that  there  was  a  profusion  of  flakes  scattered  all  through  the  subsoil, 
a  fact  which  demonstrates  that  the  occupants  of  this  spot  were  busy  fashion- 
ing their  implements  under  these  very  rocks.  Some  of  the  arrow  points 
were  made  of  flint,  others  of  slate,  argillite,  quartz,  bluestone  and  chert. 
One  exceptionally  fine  spear-head  was  made  of  jasper.  The  stone  ham- 
mers were  simply  water-worn  pebbles,  such  as  are  used  for  cracking  nuts, 
etc.,  oval  in  shape,  with  a  depression  on  the  upper  and  lower  surface,  and 
of  the  kind  designated  as  pitted  hand-hammers.  Furthermore,  the  remains 
of  six  fireplaces  were  laid  bare,  as  indicated  by  flat  stones  arranged  in  a 
square.  Considerable  quantities  of  charcoal  were  here  mixed  with  the  soil, 
imparting  to  it  a  black  color.  Imbedded  in  these  various  layers  many  bones 
were  found,  most  of  them  cracked  and  charred  by  the  heat.  With  the  brook 
in  close  proximity  and  the  front  of  the  ledge  facing  the  sun,  this  locality  no 
doubt  proved  very  attractive  to  the  sons  of  the  forest,  especially  when  the 
inclemency  of  winter  called  for  additional  protection.  Indeed,  the  presence 
of  all  these  objects  seems  to  justify  the  assumption  that  this  spot  was  much 
frequented  and  often  for  long  periods.  At  all  events,  we  may  be  certain 
that  it  was  regularly  occupied  during  the  winter  months. 

Special  stress  must  be  laid  on  the  fact  that  the  pottery  occurred  only  in 
the  upper  layer  of  debris.  More  than  two  inches  below  there  was  none  to 
be  found. 

The  location  of  this  shelter  at  the  very  entrance  to  the  Clove  and  near 
a  brook  which  does  not  dry  up  even  during  the  hottest  season,  must  have 
been  ideal  from  the  Indian's  viewpoint.  Moreover,  the  Clove  forms  a 
natural  pass  across  this  rough  and  broken  section,  and  on  the  strength  of 
other  evidence  we  may  feel  confident  that  through  it  ran  one  of  their  trails, 
over  which  they  travelled  to  Franklin  Lake.  Collectively  taken,  all  these 
data  must,  we  think,  be  interpreted  as  meaning  that  this  shelter  was  in 
great  demand  at  the  time  when  this  land  had  not  yet  been  trodden  by  the 
foot  of  a  White  man,  and  that  it  was  widely  known  to  the  tribes  roving 
over  this  section. 


1909.] 


Schrabisch,  Rock  Shelters. 


143 


Almost  simultaneously  with  this,  my  first  discovery  of  an  Indian  roek- 
shelter,  I  chanced  to  find  a  second  one.  Seen  from  a  distance,  it  had  the 
appearance  of  a  small  cave,  but  on  coming  a  little  nearer  I  recognized  it  as 
an  ordinary  shelter.  To  establish  its  archaeological  significance  required 
two  days'  hard  digging  and  even  then,  after  much  physical  exertion,  the 
results  obtained  were  practically  nil.  The  elevation  is  about  the  same  as 
that  of  the  Clove  shelter,  i.  e.,  500  feet  above  the  sea  level,  and  both  look 
nearly  south.  Here  also  a  brook  flows  past;  but,  owing  to  the  peculiar 
topographical  conditions,  it  contains  water  only  during  the  wet  season. 
In  point  of  size  they  differ  greatly,  the  Clove  shelter  being  at  least  four  times 
as  spacious.  On  the  other  hand,  the  second  one  projects  fully  two  feet 
more,  and  its  roof,  instead  of  sloping  towards  the  background,  as  in  the  first, 
is  perfectly  level  and  smooth,  enabling  one  to  stand  upright  close  to  the  wall. 
As  stated  above,  the  finds  made  here  are  hardly  worth  mentioning,  consisting 
of  a  score  of  chips,  the  base  of  a  spear-point,  a  crude  polishing  stone  and  a 
few  bones.  However,  I  must  confess  that  I  have  excavated  only  about 
one-half  of  the  space  going  to  a  depth  of  two  feet;  the  rest  I  left  undisturbed 
on  account  of  having  been  disappointed  in  my  expectations  during  the 
initial  work  and  not  caring  to  waste  any  more  time  and  energy. 

Pompton  Junction.  The  third  and  last  rock-shelter  in  Passaic  County 
which  has  come  to  my  notice  is  west  of  Pompton  Junction,  that  is  to  say, 
within  five  hundred  meters  from  the  intersection  of  the  Greenwood  Lake 
branch  of  the  Erie  with  the  Susquehanna  Railway.  Its  distance  from  the 
Clove  by  highway  is  eight  miles ;  but  in  a  straight  line  drawn  from  the  latter 
place  in  a  direction  W.  N.  W.,  it  is  but  five  miles  distant.  Within  the  angle 
formed  by  the  two  railway  lines  there  rises  a  hill,  locally  known  as  Federal 
Hill,  and  composed  entirely  of  granite.  The  Erie  skirts  along  its  eastern 
base,  the  Susquehanna  along  its  soutfiern.  The  height  of  this  hill  is  a  little 
over  six  hundred  feet,  but  as  it  overlooks  a  level  country,  the  so-called  Pomp- 
ton Plains,  the  average  elevation  of  which  is  but  two  hundred  feet,  it  forms 
a  striking  feature  of  the  landscape,  appearing  almost  like  a  promontory 
jutting  out  into  the  adjacent  plains.  Being  on  the  very  outskirts  of  what 
are  known  as  the  Jersey  Highlands  and  especially  at  the  entrance  to  the 
Butler  Valley,  through  which  the  Pequannock  River  pursues  its  meandering 
course,  this  hill  may  safely  be  assumed  to  have  been  a  famous  landmark  at 
the  time  of  the  redskins.  By  what  name  it  was  known  among  the  aborigines 
we  shall  never  learn.  Its  modern  appellation,  Federal  Hill,  is,  if  we  may 
believe  the  voice  of  tradition,  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  from  its  top  the 
ubiquitous  George  Washington  scanned  the  surrounding  lowlands  for 
traces  of  the  English. 

Viewing  its  southern  extremity  from  the  banks  of  the  Pequannock  River, 


144 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


Federal  Hill  looms  dark  and  grim,  a  tumbled  and  broken  region,  stimulating 
in  its  wildness.  Perpendicular  cliffs,  torn  and  cleft  by  the  upheavals  of 
Nature,  tower  above  the  lower  portion  of  the  hill,  which  in  turn  is  bestrewn 
with  cyclopean  boulders  and  covered  with  a  tangled  growth  of  underbrush. 
The  jagged  hillside  abounds  in  crags  and  fissures  and  gigantic  rocks  are  piled 
up  on  top  of  each  other,  as  if  placed  there  by  beings  gifted  with  inconceivable 
strength.  One  of  these  cavernous  recesses  close  to  the  bottom  of  the  cliff 
attracted  my  particular  attention  and  crawling  into  it,  I  began  a  thorough 
search.  It  is  a  place  which  resembles  a  real  cave  more  closely  than  any 
others  I  have  thus  far  come  across.  But  unlike  most  caves  it  has  two  en- 
trances opposite  each  other,  to  the  north  and  south  respectively.  This 
singularity  of  structure  is  due  to  the  fact  that  a  huge  rock  leans  lengthwise 
against  the  side  of  the  steep  cliff  at  an  angle  of  about  seventy  degrees.  Its 
top  is  well  covered  over  by  other  boulders,  so  as  to  keep  out  wind  and  rain. 
In  addition,  both  openings  arc  partially  protected  by  large  rocks  so  that,  all 
in  all,  the  place  was  as  little  exposed  to  the  severity  of  the  elements  as  its 
tenants  might  reasonably  expect.  Its  inside  dimensions  show  a  uniform 
width  of  six  feet,  a  length  of  twelve  and  an  average  height  of  seven  feet. 
The  Moor  was  covered  with  rich  soil  or  humus  about  two  feet  thick,  and  there 
were  comparatively  few  stones  imbedded  in  it.  Removing  the  leaves  which 
the  wind  had  blown  in,  I  discovered  right  on  the  surface  a  large  arrow  point, 
made  of  chert,  and  nearly  four  inches  long.  Nearby,  I  found  several  others 
of  smaller  size,  all  of  flint,  among  them  a  beautifully  shaped  triangular  point, 
and  the  base  of  an  argillite  spear-head,  deeply  notched  and  with  both 
auricles  intact.  Close  to  one  of  the  walls  and  opposite  the  centre,  the  soil 
was  almost  black,  owing  to  the  presence  of  charcoal,  and  here  I  picked  up  a 
large  number  of  potsherds  together  with  many  bones,  obviously  the  refuse 
of  aboriginal  repasts.  This,  then,  was  evidently  the  old  fireplace  and,  as  if 
to  dispel  all  doubts  about  it,  further  proof  was  forthcoming  in  the  shape  of 
fire-cracked  pebbles  or  heat-stones  and  pieces  of  flat  rock  used  in  its  con- 
struction. None  of  the  pottery  was  ornamented  save  two  small  fragments, 
and  these  were  cord-marked.  Here,  too,  all  the  pottery  occurred  on  the 
surface  only,  while  most  of  the  other  objects  were  nearer  the  base. 

From  the  absence  of  water  in  the  immediate  vicinity,  we  may  infer  that 
this  spot  was  but  rarely  occupied,  and  this  conclusion  deductively  arrived  at, 
is  borne  out  inductively,  by  the  small  number  of  relics.  The  a  priori  argu- 
ment may  be  controverted,  though,  on  the  ground  that  the  natural  conditions 
have  been  changed  by  the  cutting  of  the  timber,  resulting  in  the  complete 
drying  up  of  springs;  so  that  where  there  is  now  hopeless  aridity,  there  may 
once  have  been  plenty  of  water.  However,  the  validity  of  the  a  posteriori 
argument  can  hardly  be  questioned,  inasmuch  as,  most  naturally,  paucity 


1909.] 


Schrabisch,  Rock  Shelters. 


145 


of  relics  is  to  be  interpreted  as  betokening  infrequent  occupancy,  rather  than 
the  contrary.  Nor  was  the  Pequannock  River,  laving  the  base  of  the  hill, 
near  enough  to  furnish  water  for  the  Indian  troglodyte  two  hundred  feet  up 
its  side.  Obviously,  this  drawback  detracted  from  the  otherwise  striking 
advantages  of  the  place  and  made  it  appear  less  desirable  from  the  Indian's 
viewpoint. 

It  must  not  be  surmised  that  the  three  rock-shelters  just  spoken  of  are 
the  only  ones  to  be  found  in  the  County  of  Passaic.  In  so  far  as  they  are  in 
a  section  which,  though  hilly  and  broken,  is  yet  quite  tame,  we  may  accept  it 
as  a  foregone  conclusion  that  the  northern  portion  of  the  County  contains 
many  more  of  them,  by  reason  of  its  being  vastly  more  rugged  and  wild. 
With  the  exception  of  a  narrow  strip  of  level  land,  the  Wanaque  Valley,  all 
of  this  territory  is  decidedly  mountainous,  covered  as  it  is  by  several  chains 
of  hills,  i.  e.,  the  southernmost  portion  of  the  Ramapo  range  in  the  east, 
the  Kanouse  and  Bearfort  Mountains  in  the  west.  Indeed,  on  interrogating 
some  of  the  natives  and  others  acquainted  with  this  region,  we  received 
information,  more  or  less  vague,  as  to  the  whereabouts  of  various  rock- 
shelters  which  happened  to  attract  their  attention.  To  explore  these 
mountains  and  determine  the  site  of  aboriginal  rock-houses  will  be  our  aim 
in  the  future. 

Morris  County,  New  Jersey. 

We  shall  now  leave  Passaic  County  and  turn  our  attention  to  some  of 
the  rock-dwellings  situated  in  the  County  of  Morris.  How  many  there  are 
in  the  whole  county  no  one  knows,  nor  can  their  exact  number  ever  be 
determined  except  by  a  systematic  search  of  the  area  in  question.  At  any 
rate,  I  have  succeeded,  as  already  stated,  in  discovering  six  of  them  in  three 
different  parts  of  the  county.  Three  of  these  rock-shelters,  all  close  together, 
are  situated  in  the  hills,  two  miles  west  of  Pompton  Plains,  and  we  may 
refer  to  them  as  the  Pompton  Plains  shelters.  Another  one,  still  farther 
west,  is  known  by  the  name  of  Bear  Rock;  and  the  last  two,  also  close 
together,  lie  in  the  Towakhow  or  Hook  Mountains,  and  these  we  may 
designate  as  the  Towakhow  shelters. 

Pompton  Plains.  The  Pompton  Plains  shelters  were  discovered  first. 
A  most  thorough-going  search  of  the  hills  west  of  Pompton  Plains  has 
disclosed  the  presence  of  three  aboriginal  rock-shelters,  all  of  them  on  the 
eastern  slope.  This  particular  section  is  remarkable  for  the  extraordinary 
number  of  gullies  extending  down  the  hillside.  They  are  nearly  all  parallel 
and  a  brook  flows  through  most  of  them.  While  spending  the  summer  of 
1902  in  that  charming  section  of  the  country,  I  used  to  take  long  walks  into 


146        Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


the  neighboring  hills,  bordering  the  village  to  the  west.  On  one  of  those 
jaunts,  stumbling  through  a  rocky  ravine,  I  noticed  a  deep  hole  on  the  face 
of  a  ledge,  dark  and  uninviting,  and  screened  from  the  outside  by  a  luxuriant 
growth  of  underbrush  and  small  trees.  At  that  time  my  experience  with 
Indian  rock-shelters  was  still  confined  to  those  in  the  Upper  Preakness  Clove, 
and  I  had  almost  come  to  regard  them  as  being  without  duplicates  here- 
abouts. Thus,  with  little  or  no  thought  of  its  archaeological  significance 
and  not  a  bit  sanguine  as  to  possible  finds,  I  began  sweeping  out  the  leaves 
preparatory  to  further  investigation.  Half-heartedly  I  started  to  dig,  but 
how  quickly  was  the  lie  given  to  initial  diffidence  when,  on  upsetting  a  boul- 
der, I  found  under  it  a  neatly  fashioned  leaf-shaped  flint  arrow  point.  Of 
course,  such  a  discovery  at  once  invested  this  place,  to  me  at  least,  with  a 
charm  which  only  those  can  know  whose  mind  is  of  a  similar  bent.  That 
same  day  I  carried  off  four  arrow  points  and  some  potsherds,  none  of  these 
articles  being  more  than  three  inches  below  the  surface.  On  subsequent 
visits  I  dug  out  many  more  specimens,  penetrating  to  a  depth  of  from 
twelve  to  twenty  inches,  when  the  base  of  the  floor  was  reached.  I  could 
plainly  discern  three  fireplaces  as  indicated  by  the  presence  of  charcoal 
and  smoke  stained  slabs,  arranged  in  squares.  The  total  yield  of  this  spot 
amounted  to  twenty-four  arrow-heads,  four  spear-heads,  over  a  hundred 
fragments  of  pottery,  three  pitted  hand-hammers,  one  rubbing  stone,  several 
heat  stones,  some  bones,  a  large  quantity  of  flakes  and  a  few  nodules,  such 
as  furnish  the  material  in  the  manufacture  of  various  implements.  Again 
the  potsherds  were  either  on  the  surface  or  a  few  inches  below,  a  condition 
disclosing,  as  before,  two  distinct  horizons  of  culture;  the  lower  or  older 
layers  pointing  to  a  cruder  stage  of  material  culture,  by  reason  of  the  absence 
of  pottery. 

If  the  number  of  objects  left  at  this  shelter  by  its  ancient  occupants 
demonstrates  anything  at  all,  it  must  be  in  favor  of  the  supposition  that  it 
was  greatly  frequented.  Aside  from  this  consideration  there  are  factors 
of  an  a  priori  character  which  tend  to  prove  that  such  was  the  case.  In 
the  first  place,  its  shape  and  size  leave  little  to  be  desired.  Carved  deep  into 
the  rock,  much  like  the  entrance  to  a  modern  mine,  with  well-defined  side- 
walls  and  a  roof  hanging  over  fully  fifteen  feet,  it  is  shaped  almost  like  a 
cave.  The  roof  slants  towards  the  background,  its  forward  part  being 
about  twelve  feet  above  the  floor,  while  in  the  rear  it  is  no  more  than  five 
feet  high.  The  ravine  itself  rises  with  a  gradual  slope  from  east  to  west, 
and  is  well  protected  from  boreal  blasts.  Moreover,  the  shelter  is  exposed 
to  the  sun  from  morning  to  night.  Thus,  the  genial  warmth,  may  have 
conduced  considerably  to  its  attractiveness.  Yet,  notwithstanding  all 
these  advantages,  the  place  would  have  been  worthless  from  the  Indian's 


1909.] 


Schrabisch,  Rock  Shelters. 


147 


point  of  view,  had  it  not  been  for  the  presence  of  water.  Of  this,  too,  there 
is  an  abundance.  Nature  has  here  provided  a  twofold  water  supply,  namely, 
a  brook  and  a  spring;  the  brook  flowing  down  the  ravine  almost  within 
reach  of  the  shelter,  the  spring,  also  conveniently  near,  bubbling  up  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  cliff,  where  it  stretches  northward  in  a  gentle  slope.  A 
conjunction  of  favorable  circumstances  such  as  these  could,  of  course,  not 
have  escaped  the  keen  senses  of  the  savage,  in  quest  of  shelter,  and  it 
accounts  for  the  large  number  of  implements  left  under  that  rock. 

However  there  are  other  ancient  rock-dwellings  almost  within  hailing 
distance  of  the  one  just  discussed.  We  refer,  of  course,  to  the  two  remaining 
ones,  classified  as  Pompton  Plains  shelters.  They  are  less  than  two  hundred 
meters  to  the  north  in  one  of  the  largest  ravines  hereabouts.  The  surround- 
ing cliffs  are  steep  and  jagged,  cleft  in  many  places  and  rising  to  a  height  of 
fifty  feet  above  the  bed  of  the  ravine.  Boulders  are  scattered  all  over  in 
picturesque  disorder,  seemingly  impeding  the  flow  of  the  brook  which  lazily 
wends  its  way  through  this  rocky  labyrinth.  Amid  these  circean  environ- 
ments, appealing  to  all  who  love  Nature  in  her  primitive  and  untamed  state, 
I  found  two  of  the  former  abodes  of  the  redskin,  less  than  fifty  meters  apart. 
Both  face  south,  by  reason  of  being  on  the  north  side  of  the  ravine  which 
runs  west  by  east.  The  first  to  be  examined  was  the  westerly  one.  Its 
floor  is  on  a  level  with  that  of  the  ravine,  and  what  little  protection  there  is, 
is  due  to  a  flat  and  smooth  ledge,  inclining  or  leaning  over  at  an  angle  of, 
say,  sixty  degrees.  This  ledge  is  nearly  fifteen  feet  long,  measured  from 
base  to  top,  twelve  feet  high  at  the  outermost  point  and  projects  no  less  than 
ten  feet,  thus  affording  cover  for  a  dozen  or  more  people.  As  there  are 
no  rocks  enclosing  it  laterally,  it  is  open  on  all  sides  save  on  the  north. 
Adjoining  it  there  is  another  and  smaller  compartment  with  a  roof  jutting 
out  a  few  feet.  To  get  the  investigation  under  way  proved  to  be  a  laborious 
task,  as  the  floor  was  covered  with  many  rocks  of  all  sizes,  the  heaviest  ones 
weighing  at  least  a  hundred  pounds.  These  removed,  digging  became 
quite  easy  and  one  by  one  I  brought  to  light  specimens  of  the  red  man's 
handiwork.  All  told,  I  found  fourteen  arrow-heads,  mostly  of  flint,  two 
scrapers,  one  hand-hammer,  one  rubbing  stone,  some  heat  stones,  two  bones, 
a  large  quantity  of  flakes  and  eighty  odd  fragments  of  pottery.  Some 
of  the  potsherds  were  decorated  with  dots  and  zigzag  lines,  others  were  cord- 
marked.  In  complete  analogy  with  previous  experience  all  of  the  pottery 
was  on  top  of  the  debris,  a  fact  demonstrating,  as  formerly,  relatively  recent 
introduction.  In  addition,  I  laid  bare  two  ancient  hearths,  indicated  by 
smoke-stained  slabs,  fire-cracked  pebbles  and  soil  blackened  by  an  admix- 
ture of  charcoal. 

As  regards  the  other  shelter,  it  is  a  little  farther  down  the  gully,  at  a 


148        Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 

point  where  the  rock  formations  attain  their  greatest  height.  Nestling 
among  a  pile  of  rocks  at  the  foot  of  the  cliff,  the  spot  looks  gloomy  and  for- 
bidding, suggesting  the  lair  of  some  wild  animal,  and,  as  if  to  lend  some 
color  to  this  conception,  a  hole,  six  feet  deep  and  large  enough  for  a  bear 
to  crawl  in,  enters  into  the  solid  rock  at  one  end  of  the  shelter.  Its  floor 
is  about  five  feet  above  the  bed  of  the  ravine,  and  the  sand  composing  it 
is  coarse  and  full  of  small  mineral  particles,  the  products  of  an  erosive  proc- 
ess which  has  been  going  on  for  an  immeasurable  epoch.  Five  feet  from 
the  ledge  and  parallel  to  it,  an  oblong  boulder  extends  rampart-like  the 
whole  length  of  shelter,  marking  off  its  elevated  floor  from  the  lower  level 
of  the  ravine.  In  spite  of  the  most  diligent  search  which  seemed  to  be  war- 
ranted by  the  promising  character  of  the  locality,  it  yielded  amazingly  few 
objects  of  Indian  workmanship.  Apart  from  a  finely  chipped  chert  spear- 
point  nothing  was  found  but  the  base  of  a  small  arrow  point  and  a  quantity 
of  flakes.  On  leaving  the  place,  I  almost  felt  tempted,  after  so  much  toil 
and  little  success,  to  apply  to  it  the  words  of  the  Italian  poet,  who  ex- 
claimed, "Lasciate  ogni  speranza  o  voi  che  entrate." 

Special  significance  attaches  to  the  above  rock-shelters  from  the  fact 
that  within  a  mile  of  them  there  was  situated  on  Pompton  Plains,  quite 
near  the  foot  of  the  hills,  an  Indian  village  of  considerable  size.  It  is, 
therefore,  more  than  probable  that  the  occupants,  of  the  shelters  were  tribes- 
men of  the  Pompton  Indians  who,  indeed,  spent  most  of  their  time  in  the 
village  below  and  roamed  over  the  hilly  section  only  when  the  exigencies  of 
existence  compelled  them  to  do  so;  for  they,  like  all  other  creatures,  yielded 
to  necessity.  In  other  words,  the  dusky  sons  of  the  forest  camped  at  these 
places  while  on  the  hunt.  Not  using  them  as  permanent  abodes,  they  came 
and  went,  lodging  there  over  night,  to  make  room  for  others  the  next  morn- 
ing, as  the  case  might  be.  While  all  this  may  legitimately  be  inferred  from 
the  evidence  extant,  there  is  one  fact,  however,  which  it  will  be  difficult  to 
explain  and  regarding  which  different  theories  may  be  advanced.  We 
refer  to  the  incongruity  obtaining  between  the  abundance  of  pottery  on  the 
one  hand  and  the  absence  of  bones  on  the  other.  At  all  the  shelters  hitherto 
investigated,  potsherds  and  fireplaces  were  invariably  associated  with  con- 
siderable quantities  of  bones,  and  this  rule  held  good  so  unfailingly  as  to 
point  to  a  casual  relation  between  the  two.  But  here  we  find  it  infringed. 
As  none  of  the  Pompton  Plains  shelters  had  in  the  least  been  disturbed  by 
White  intruders,  we  found  them  in  the  very  condition  which  obtained  at 
the  time  of  the  Indian's  final  departure.  Thus,  the  absence  of  bones  can- 
not be  attributed  to  the  agency  of  the  Whites.  Not  caring  to  proffer  any 
explanation,  fanciful  as  it  must  be,  we  are  here  confronted  by  one  of  the 
many  enigmas,  which  it  is  obviously  beyond  the  range  of  human  ken  to 
unravel. 


1909.] 


Schrabisch,  Rock  Shelters. 


149 


Bear  Rock.  On  a  fine  summer  morning,  in  the  month  of  August,  1903, 
I  started  out  from  Pompton  Plains  bound  on  an  errand  which,  if  uncertain 
as  to  its  outcome,  still  held  out  some  hope  of  its  ultimate  success.  The 
goal  of  my  pilgrimage  was  a  place  known  as  Bear  Rock,  six  miles  south- 
west of  Butler,  five  miles  northeast  of  Boonton  and  six  miles  west  of  Pomp- 
ton  Plains.  Bear  Rock  is  a  granite  boulder  of  enormous  size  deposited 
here  during  the  glacial  period.  Its  dimensions  are  fifty  feet  long,  eighteen 
feet  wide  and  thirty-five  feet  high.  In  point  of  size  it  has  no  equal  in  the 
State  of  New  Jersey,  but  it  is  also  unique  for  the  reason  that  it  hangs  over 
on  two  opposite  sides,  the  result  being  a  double  rock-shelter,  facing  east 
and  west  respectively.  A  brook,  which  has  never  been  known  to  dry  up, 
flows  down  the  valley  in  front  and  within  a  few  feet  of  the  eastern  shelter; 
while  opposite  the  other  one  there  is  a  hollow,  always  swampy  and  often 
full  of  water.  I  had  scarcely  scratched  the  surface  layer,  when  I  detected 
an  Indian  chip.  This  augured  well  of  the  future  and  with  anticipations 
thus  stimulated,  I  redoubled  my  efforts,  removing  leaves  and  throwing  out 
stones.  But  imagine  my  surprise  when  on  lifting  a  heavy  boulder  I  found 
underneath  it  a  large  copper  cent,  bearing  the  date,  1838.  An  interesting 
rock,  indeed,  well  worthy  of  a  tramp  of  nine  miles,  for  apart  from  Indian 
relics  it  yielded  modern  treasures  to  boot !  However,  this  coin  was  destined 
to  remain  the  only  trace  of  the  presence  of  White  men,  as  all  other  objects 
were  genuine  specimens  of  primitive  culture. 

Examining  the  surface  more  closely,  I  observed  many  flakes  and  broken 
bones  distributed  over  the  floor  of  the  shelter.  As  its  roof  slopes  towards 
the  rear  I  could  not  enter  far  save  by  crawling  on  my  hands  and  knees. 
This  I  did  and  I  was  amply  repaid  for  the  slight  inconvenience,  for  on  look- 
ing around  I  saw  two  small  triangular  flint  heads  and  a  large  one,  exquis- 
itely formed  with  serrated  edges.  After  this  rather  thorough  examination 
of  the  top  layer,  I  set  myself  to  dig  up  the  subsoil  underneath  the  roof, 
beginning  at  one  end  and  advancing  to  the  other.  In  order  to  reach  the 
rock  bottom  it  became  necessary  to  go  to  a  depth  of  nearly  two  feet.  Dur- 
ing this  process  many  stones  had  to  be  thrown  out,  some  of  them  weighing 
over  a  hundred  pounds;  but  my  work  was  not  in  vain,  for  in  every  cubic 
foot  of  debris  I  detected  traces  of  the  Indian's  former  presence,  such  as  chips, 
potsherds,  rejects,  arrow-heads,  heat  stones,  hammers  and  vast  quantities  of 
bones.  A  rich  archaeological  harvest  it  was,  the  arrow-heads  alone  num- 
bering thirty-two,  counting  only  the  more  perfect  ones.  A  majority  of  the 
points  consisted  of  flint,  a  few  others  of  quartz  and  jasper.  Nodules  and 
flakes  of  various  material  were  scattered  all  through  the  soil,  their  number 
aggregating  close  to  one  thousand.  Most  plentiful  of  all  were  the  bones 
and  every  thrust  of  the  trowel  fetched  one  or  more.    About  half  their  num- 


150        Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 

ber  were  blackened  and  charred,  while  others  displayed  a  reddish  brown 
color.  All  had  been  cracked  open,  no  doubt  with  a  view  to  extracting  the 
marrow.  A  perforated  bear  tooth,  once  part  of  a  necklace,  proved  no 
doubt  the  most  interesting  of  all  the  objects  left  there.  Relics  of  this  kind, 
known  as  tooth-pendants,  are  of  rare  occurrence  in  this  part  of  the  country, 
but  much  more  common  in  the  West.  Potsherds  alone  were  scarce  and 
their  number  did  not  exceed  an  even  dozen,  the  largest  the  size  of  a  silver 
dollar.    Some  of  the  fragments  were  decorated  with  straight  parallel  lines. 

We  shall  now  proceed  to  discuss  the  shelter  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
rock.  Although  much  more  spacious,  it  contained  comparatively  few 
Indian  implements.  Its  roof  is  at  least  ten  feet  above  the  floor  and  a  large 
rock  in  front  protects  it  from  the  outside,  concealing  the  interior.  The 
floor  is  hard  and  gravelly  and  in  places  the  rock  bottom  crops  out.  In  one 
of  the  corners  there  was  an  ancient  fireplace  with  plenty  of  charcoal  and 
fire-cracked  pebbles.  Here  I  found  also  quite  a  number  of  potsherds  and 
chips,  together  with  three  arrow  points,  of  which  only  one  was  perfect. 
Bones,  too,  occurred  in  considerable  quantities,  most  of  them,  as  usual, 
cracked  and  fire-stained.  Although,  on  the  whole,  this  shelter  did  not  com- 
pare with  the  other,  both  as  to  the  number  and  variety  of  the  objects  left, 
it  proved  far  more  prolific  in  potsherds.  In  both  these  shelters,  as  in  all 
the  preceding  ones,  the  pottery  lay  either  on  top  of  the  debris  or  a  little 
below;  but  nowhere  near  the  base. 

In  view  of  the  abundance  of  relics  met  with  in  the  eastern  shelter,  as 
compared  with  their  relative  scarcity  in  the  western,  we  may  take  it  for 
granted  that  the  former  was  held  in  greater  favor  than  the  latter.  Inquiring 
into  the  reasons  for  this  preference,  we  find  that  they  resolve  themselves  into 
a  question  of  heliotropisin ;  in  other  words,  the  first  was  exposed  to  the  sun 
the  greater  part  of  the  day,  i.  e.,  from  the  early  morning  till  about  two 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  This  supposition  is,  in  the  present  case,  sup- 
ported by  the  circumstance  that  the  other  shelter  is  really  superior  in  size 
as  well  as  shape. 

Towakhow.  The  last  two  Indian  rock-dwellings  in  Morris  County, 
known  to  me,  are  situated  in  the  Towakhow,  or  Hook  Mountains.  This 
range  of  hills  consists  of  two  arms,  each  about  five  miles  long,  forming  a 
right  angle,  the  apex  of  which  is  near  White  Hall,  a  station  on  the  Delaware, 
Lackawanna  and  Western  railway.  One  arm  extends  almost  exactly  due 
east  from  White  Hall  to  Mountain  View,  the  other  almost  exactly  due  south 
from  White  Hall  to  Pine  Brook,  the  highest  altitude,  442  feet,  being  about 
half-way  between  the  two  latter  places.  Within  the  angle  thus  composed 
there  lies  an  extensive  tract  of  marshy  land,  known  as  the  Great  Piece 
Meadows,  through  which  the  Passaic  River  flows  in  a  tortuous  course.  Not 


1909.] 


Schrabisch,  Rock  Shelters. 


151 


far  from  the  apex  or  corner  of  this  angle  a  strip  of  elevated  land  stretches 
forth  into  the  swampy  meadows,  not  unlike  a  small  promontory.  It  is 
called  Tom's  Point.  On  this  high  ground,  surrounded  on  three  sides  by 
bogs,  the  redskins  had  a  settlement,  a  fact  borne  out  by  the  countless  objects 
they  left  behind. 

The  two  rock-dwellings  above  referred  to  are  in  the  very  corner  of  the 
Hook  Mountains,  a  little  way  up  the  side  of  the  hill.  Both  face  south  and 
they  are  less  than  a  hundred  meters  apart.  The  map  shows  them  to  be  a 
little  over  five  miles  southeast  of  Bear  Rock,  five  miles  southwest  of  Pompton 
Plains  and  four  miles  west  of  Mountain  View.  Besides,  they  are  less  than 
half  a  mile  from  Tom's  Point  and  less  than  a  mile  from  White  Hall.  In 
appearance  they  differ  much  from  the  seven  preceding  shelters.  These,  we 
remember,  were  simply  overhanging  rocks,  with  the  exception  of  the  one  on 
Federal  Hill  which  partook  of  the  nature  of  a  cavern.  The  Towakhow 
shelters,  on  the  other  hand,  represent  a  different  type  of  structure,  charac- 
terized by  rifts  or  clefts  extending  from  six  to  eight  feet  into  the  rock.  There 
exists  between  them  a  striking  similarity  as  to  general  conformation.  Apart 
from  the  fissure  peculiar  to  both,  they  have  other  features  in  common,  such 
as  the  same  elevation  above  sea  level,  which  is  300  feet.  Both  are  on  the 
southern  slope  of  the  chain  which  bounds  the  Great  Piece  Meadows  to  the 
north  and  runs  eastward  from  White  Hall.  Again,  at  either  shelter  a  huge 
rocky  mass  stands  out  prominently  from  the  cliff  crowning  the  lower  and 
gentler  slope  of  the  hill.  These  rocks  protrude  perpendicularly  to  the 
ledge  and  from  the  corner  thus  formed  a  rift  extends  into  the  interior.  In 
front  of  either  there  is  a  level  triangular  space,  bounded  north  and  west  by 
the  ledges  just  described.  Water  may  be  found  a  short  distance  down  the 
declivity,  bubbling  up  from  amid  the  rocks  and  flowing  in  a  tiny  stream  to 
the  marshlands  below. 

Investigation  of  both  places  was  begun  in  the  summer  of  1904.  The 
westerly  one  received  my  first  attention.  No  sooner  had  I  swept  out  the 
leaves  than  I  found  the  surface  soil  littered  with  numerous  potsherds. 
Alongside  the  ledge,  in  particular,  some  large  fragments  were  projecting 
above  the  debris  and  here  a  deep  hole  was  dug.  It  happened  to  be  the  loca- 
tion of  a  fireplace,  built  of  slabs  after  the  conventional  fashion,  all  of  them 
in  situ.  At  the  foot  of  the  opposite  ledge  another  fireplace  was  laid  bare, 
full  of  charcoal,  chips,  potsherds  and  bones.  It  may  seem  somewhat  strange 
that  a  most  painstaking  examination  of  the  cleft  did  not  reveal  anything  in 
the  line  of  antiquities  save  a  few  flint  flakes;  but  considering  that  this  cleft 
amounts  to  no  more  than  a  narrow  passage-way,  barely  wide  enough  for  a 
man  to  crawl  into,  we  understand  why  the  redskins  should  have  regarded  it 
as  a  rather  useless  adjunct.    The  space  between  the  two  hearths  in  front  of 


152        Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


the  crevice,  proved  to  be  most  prolific  in  Indian  artifacts,  some  near  the 
surface,  others  more  than  twelve  inches  deep.  Along  with  numerous  chips, 
potsherds  and  bones,  the  harvest  included  three  notched  arrowpoints,  one 
scraper,  one  pitted  hand-hammer,  one  chipped  knife  and  a  broken  steatite 
bead.  The  bones  were  mostly  those  of  deer,  but  among  them  were  also  the 
upper  jawbone  of  a  raccoon  with  some  teeth  attached,  the  femur  of  an  opos- 
sum and,  mirabile  dictu,  a  couple  of  oyster  shells.  Most  of  the  pottery  was 
plain ;  the  ornamented  pieces  were  either  cord-marked  or  incised,  the  zigzag 
design  predominating. 

Little  remains  to  be  said  of  the  other  place.  In  contour  and  general 
structure,  it  is  almost  analogous  to  the  first,  though  considerably  smaller. 
A  careful  investigation  revealed  the  presence  of  some  few  potsherds  and  chips, 
together  with  one  argillite  spear-point  and  a  straight  stem  arrow  point, 
made  of  slaty  material.  A  fireplace  was  wanting;  at  any  rate,  digging  all 
along  the  ledge  did  not  furnish  any  indications  whatsoever  of  such  an  one. 
Still,  there  was  one  redeeming  feature  about  this  spot,  a  feature  more  than 
sufficient  to  counterbalance  its  inanition  in  other  respects,  a  relic  of  rare 
occurrence.  This  piece  de"  resistance,  the  princely  reward  for  my  toil,  was 
a  gorget,  made  of  steatite  and  elaborately  carved.  It  is  about  four  inches 
long,  elliptical  in  shape  and  perforated  at  both  ends.  It  was  while  excavating 
the  fissure,  which  was  filled  with  sand  two  feet  above  the  level  of  the  outside 
space,  that  it  dropped  out  of  the  escarpment,  where  it  was  imbedded  three 
inches  below  the  top.  A  find  of  such  a  character  appears  doubly  precious  in 
a  place  where  little  is  expected,  and  it  would,  in  fact,  be  appreciated  even  in 
localities  where  relics  of  the  finer  sort  abound.  In  conformity  with  previous 
observations,  the  position  of  the  pottery  in  either  locality  gives  positive 
evidence  of  a  succession  of  culture-horizons. 

Doubtless,  the  Indians  who  inhabited  these  rocks  were  identical  with 
those  who  lived  on  Tom's  Point  or  thereabouts.  The  latter  place  was,  as 
already  stated,  the  site  of  an  Indian  village,  and  almost  within  earshot  of 
the  shelters.  Being  thus  within  easy  reach,  it  goes  without  saying  that 
these  rocks  were  often  visited  and,  moreover,  that  their  tenants  frequently 
changed.  Unless  all  the  evidence  extant  deceives  us,  the  knolls  and  elevated 
land,  contiguous  to  the  Great  Piece  Meadows,  were  once  much  frequented 
by  the  aborigines,  a  fact  attested  by  the  numberless  remains  of  their  primitive 
industry.  Again,  it  is  patent  that  these  various  settlements  were  connected 
by  trails,  and  as  regards  their  probable  site,  the  topographical  character  of 
the  land  shows  conclusively  that  they  must  have  skirted  along  the  base  of 
the  Towakhow  Mountains,  viz.,  from  Mountain  View  westward  to  Tom's 
Point,  thence  southward  to  Pine  Brook. 

Our  account  of  the  above  rock-dwellings  would  not  be  complete  without 


1909.] 


Schrabisch,  Rock  Stelters. 


153 


presenting  a  brief  recapitulation  or  summary  of  the  results  obtained,  to- 
gether with  a  few  general  observations.  For  completeness'  sake,  it  will  be 
appropriate  to  make  a  few  statements  as  to  the  racial  relations  of  these 
Indian  rock-dwellers.  Who,  then,  were  the  occupants  of  these  shelters, 
and  to  what  tribe  did  they  belong?  To  begin  with,  the  Indians  who  in- 
habited the  State  of  New  Jersey  were  Delawares,  or,  to  use  their  own  appel- 
lation, Lenni  Lenape.  As  such,  they  belonged  to  the  Algonkin  family. 
Roughly  speaking,  their  distribution  was  conterminous  with  the  State  of 
New  Jersey  and  they  were  divided  into  three  sub-tribes  or  gentes,  as  follows : 
—  the  L  nalachtigo  or  Turkey  clan,  inhabiting  the  southern  portion  of  the 
State;  the  Lnami  or  Turtle  clan,  living  north  of  them;  and  the  Minsi  or 
Wolf  clan,  occupying  the  section  in  which  we  are  here  interested.  Thus, 
the  Minsi  must  be  regarded  as  the  erstwhile  occupants  of  the  shelters,  of 
which  we  have  presented  a  brief  account. 

It  is  manifest  that  prehistoric  rock-shelters  can  occur  only  in  those  parts 
of  the  State  that  are  by  nature  rocky  and  mountainous.  Accordingly,  they 
are  quite  plentiful  in  Northern  New  Jersey.  All  we  have  examined  had 
two  important  features  in  common.  In  the  first  place,  they  invariably 
faced  more  or  less  southward;  in  other  words,  those  with  a  northern  exposure 
showed  few  signs  of  former  occupation.  Secondly,  all  of  them  were  situated 
near  some  water,  whether  it  be  a  spring,  a  brook  or  a  swamp.  Sunshine  and 
water  were,  then,  essential  factors  in  determining  the  choice  of  a  shelter. 
Although  we  found  this  combination  of  favorable  circumstances  realized 
at  all  the  seventeen  rock-dwellings,  examined  by  us  heretofore,  including  the 
eight  New  York  shelters,  we  do  not  imagine  for  a  moment  that  it  exists  at 
all  shelters  at  one  time  inhabited  bv  the  red  men.  There  mav,  indeed,  be 
many  a  rock-dwelling  where  but  one  of  these  conditions  is  fulfilled.  Need- 
less to  say  that  water  it  must  be  always,  this  being  the  more  important  of  the 
two.  Without  this  life-giving  element  conveniently  near,  even  the  best 
shelter,  in  point  of  structure  and  with  a  southern  exposure  would  have  been 
scorned  by  any  Indian  intending  to  camp  there  for  any  length  of  time; 
whereas,  he  might  have  chosen  a  rock  with  a  northern  exposure,  dispensing 
with  the  sunshine,  provided  there  was  water  nearby.  Furthermore,  these 
rocks  were  used  only  temporarily  and  chiefly  during  the  hunt.  Of  this  we 
may  be  quite  certain  in  view  of  the  Indian's  nomadic  proclivities. 

Lastly,  all  the  shelters  gave  positive  proof  of  a  succession  of  culture- 
horizons,  as  based  on  the  absence  or  presence  of  pottery  in  the  various 
strata  of  the  debris. 


154        Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


Rockland  County,  New  York. 

In  entering  upon  the  second  part  of  our  treatise,  relating  to  some  aborig- 
inal shelters  situated  in  that  part  of  the  Ramapo  Mountains  which  is  included 
within  the  counties  of  Rockland  and  Orange,  in  New  York  state,  a  brief 
description  of  the  region  in  question  will  not  be  amiss.  This  beautiful 
range  of  hills  has  always  been  an  Eldorado  for  lovers  of  Nature.  Its  southern 
portion,  which  is  but  thirty  miles  north  of  New  York  City,  stands  out  in  bold 
relief  to  the  undulating  hills  of  Northern  New  Jersey  and  Rockland  County 
by  reason  of  superior  height  and  the  rugged  character  of  its  contour.  All 
along  the  southern  base,  which  extends  in  a  straight  line  from  Pompton  to 
the  Hudson  River,  perpendicular  ledges  and  inaccessible  cliffs  rise  from  the 
lowlands  and  fertile  plains  through  which  the  Ramapo  River  meanders. 
Beginning  at  Suffern  and  extending  northward,  a  natural  pass,  the  Ramapo 
valley,  divides  this  mountainous  tract  into  an  eastern  and  western  section. 
In  places  it  is  so  narrow  that  river,  highway  and  railroad  fairly  seem  to  com- 
pete for  the  right  of  way.  Two  hills,  the  Noorde  Kop  and  Hoghe  Kop, 
east  and  west  of  Suffern,  sentinel  the  entrance  to  the  valley.  The  level 
ground  between  the  Ramapo  River  and  the  foot  of  Hoghe  Kop  marks  the 
site  of  an  ancient  village,  once  peopled  by  the  Tuscarora  Indians.  They 
were  strangers  to  the  native  inhabitants,  having  come  here  from  the  south, 
about  the  year  1718,  on  their  way  to  join  the  Five  Nations. 

At  Suffern  a  number  of  Indian  trails  converged,  among  which  we  may 
mention  the  Pompton  trail  along  the  banks  of  the  Ramapo  River,  and  the 
Haverstraw  trail  following  the  course  of  the  Mahwah  brook.  Probably  the 
most  important  trail  ran  from  Suffern  northward  through  the  Ramapo 
Valley.  Between  Hillburn  and  Ramapo,  a  mile  north  of  Suffern,  the 
glacial  moraines,  flanking  the  river,  reveal  many  traces  of  erstwhile  Indian 
occupation.  This  is  particularly  the  case  at  a  point  almost  opposite  the 
Ramapo  station,  where  the  Tome  brook  empties  into  the  Ramapo  River. 
Here,  there  is  a  high  bank  bordering  that  picturesque  water  course,  level 
on  top  and  situated  at  the  entrance  to  the  Tome  Brook  valley.  This  valley 
stretches  forth  into  the  very  heart  of  the  Ramapo  Mountains,  for  a  distance 
of  nearly  nine  miles,  with  the  Tome  Mountain  bounding  it  northward.  In 
the  shade  of  this  beautiful  mountain,  which  reaches  an  altitude  of  1220  feet 
above  sea-level  and  forms  a  tumbled  wilderness  with  the  adjoining  hills, 
seven  square  miles  in  extent,  we  have  thus  far  located  three  aboriginal 
rock-shelters.  These,  in  connection  with  two  others  farther  north,  consti- 
tute the  five  Rockland  County  shelters  noted  above. 

Tome  Brook.  The  first  to  be  discovered  is  situated  northeast  of  the 
village  of  Ramapo,  two  miles  up  the  Torne  Brook  valley.    It  was  in  the 


1909.] 


Schrabisch,  Rock  Shelters. 


155 


spring  of  1907  that  I  happened  to  pass  along  the  woodroad  which  runs 
from  Ramapo  through  the  valley.  Scanning  the  rocky  slopes  to  the  north, 
my  attention  was  drawn  to  a  peculiar  structure  a  hundred  meters  up  the 
hillside.  The  character  of  the  locality  is  just  such  as  might  have  appealed 
to  anv  redskin  looking  for  covert.  In  front  of  it,  a  brook  rushes  down, 
issuing  from  one  of  those  little  side  valleys  above  that  cleave  the  mountain 
at  short  intervals.  Its  channel  is  worn  deep  into  the  rock  and  full  of  nat- 
ural basins  that  hold  back  some  of  the  water,  which  would  otherwise  be 
carried  off  in  its  precipitous  journey  downhill.  Thus,  even  during  the  dry 
season,  water  may  be  found  here,  collected  in  small  pools.  There  is  noth- 
ing unusual  about  the  shelter  itself,  excepting  that  the  rocks  composing  it 
are  piled  up  in  a  heap,  the  one  on  top  jutting  out  fully  six  feet,  quite  high 
above  the  floor.  The  space  underneath  is  greatly  reduced  owing  to  the 
presence  of  two  large  boulders,  one  of  them  taking  up  the  centre  of  the 
floor,  the  other  all  the  room  to  the  left.  As  a  consequence,  the  remaining 
portion  of  the  shelter,  available  for  use,  amounts  to  no  more  than  about 
one-fourth  of  what  it  would  be,  if  the  obstructions  were  removed.  In  spite 
of  this,  there  was  room  for  a  half  dozen  savages  to  sit  around  the  camp- 
fire.  To  compensate  its  tenants  for  this  slight  disadvantage,  the  place  had 
a  southwestern  exposure  and  this  meant  to  them  plenty  of  heat  and  light, 
comfort  and  cheerfulness.  With  water  and  sunshine  to  add  to  its  attrac- 
tiveness, this  place  was  much  resorted  to,  a  fact  amply  attested  by  the  quan- 
tity of  objects  left  there. 

The  available  space  underneath  the  rock  is  about  forty  square  feet. 
As  usual,  it  was  covered  with  a  layer  of  vegetable  mold  which,  to  all  appear- 
ances, had  never  been  disturbed  .by  any  White  man.  Having  removed  the 
leaves,  a  careful  inspection  of  the  top  layer  revealed  at  once  the  presence  of 
many  potsherds  scattered  all  over  the  surface.  They  were  especially  plen- 
tiful close  to  the  boulders  mentioned  above.  In  all,  there  were  at  least  six 
hundred  fragments,  the  largest  about  three  inches  square.  Less  than  one- 
third  their  number  were  ornamented,  the  cord-mark  design  predominating. 
Some  of  the  pieces  were  decorated  with  dots  arranged  in  a  series  of  parallel 
lines;  others  were  incised.  Further  examination  showed  that  much  of  the 
pottery  was  as  far  as  eight  inches  below  the  surface.  This,  then,  is  seem- 
ingly a  deviation  from  former  experience,  from  a  rule  which  obtained  uni- 
formlv  in  all  the  New  Jersev  shelters.  However,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind 
that  the  pottery  lay  deep  only  in  three  well-defined  spots  close  to  the  rocks, 
and  these  spots  proved  to  be  the  sites  of  fireplaces.  Outside  of  them  it 
occurred  only  on  top  or  in  the  upper  stratum  of  debris.  These  fireplaces 
were  remarkably  deep,  deeper,  in  fact,  than  any  of  the  New  Jersey  fire- 
places.   To  be  sure,  in  some  of  the  latter,  pottery  was  imbedded,  but  even 


156 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


then  quite  superficially  and  never  anywhere  near  bottom.  Yet,  after  all, 
the  position  of  the  pottery  near  the  base  of  the  hearth  cannot  be  regarded 
as  contravening  former  experience  in  the  sense  that  we  may  infer  from  it 
an  early  introduction  of  the  art.  Moreover,  there  exists  some  likelihood 
that  the  pottery  may  have  been  washed  down  into  the  holes  dug  for  the 
fireplaces.  Matters  would,  indeed,  assume  a  different  complexion,  if  pot- 
tery occurred  in  lower  layers  even  outside  of  fireplaces,  but  now  no  special 
significance  attaches  to  their  being  imbedded  far  down  in  certain  spots  only, 
and  we  may  conclude  that  these  fireplaces  were  dug  during  the  last  period 
of  occupancy  of  the  shelter  and  that  those  who  dug  them  were  acquainted 
with  the  art  of  pottery.  Accordingly,  the  theory  of  an  early  introduction  of 
ceramic  art,  at  least  as  regards  this  shelter,  proves  untenable.  The  salient 
point,  as  in  all  the  New  Jersey  shelters,  is  that,  excepting  the  fireplaces,  all 
the  pottery  lay  in  the  upper  strata. 

Of  other  relics  we  found  but  a  limited  quantity,  viz.,  six  arrow  points, 
made  of  chert  and  flint,  three  broken  spear-heads,  a  scraper,  a  rubbing 
stone,  some  burnt  pebbles,  hundreds  of  chips  and  many  bones,  for  the 
most  part  belonging  to  deer.  Doubtless,  much  cooking  was  done  here  as 
evidenced  by  the  fireplaces,  the  pottery  and  bones,  and  the  traces  of  fire 
and  smoke  on  the  rocks.  It  was  a  convenient  place  for  the  Red  hunter 
who,  having  foraged  in  the  mountains,  came  hither  to  partake  of  the  spoils 
of  the  chase  and  to  recuperate  from  the  fatigues  incident  thereto. 

Tome  Mountain.  Tome  Mountain  is,  in  truth,  a  complex  of  many 
hills,  all  organically  connected,  a  rocky  wilderness,  torn  and  jagged  and 
covering  no  less  than  seven  square  miles.  Its  summit  looms  bald  and 
weather-worn  high  above  the  valley  of  the  Ramapo  River  and  the  wooded 
slopes  beneath.  Though  rough  and  broken  in  all  its  sections,  its  rugged- 
ness  appears  to  be  most  marked  at  its  southern  extremity.  Here  the  moun- 
tain rises  in  a  succession  of  terraces,  the  chief  feature  of  each  being  a  cliff 
with  a  gorge  in  front.  These  cliffs  are  from  twenty  to  fifty  feet  high  and 
scalable  in  but  few  places.  About  half-way  up  the  southern  slope  of  Tome 
Mountain  and  on  its  fifth  terrace,  if  we  remember  aright,  there  is  an  ex- 
ceptionally picturesque  ravine  with  precipitous  rocks  flanking  it  northward. 
Everything  hereabouts  is  rough  and  jagged  and  the  face  of  the  crag  abounds 
in  rifts  and  projecting  rocks.  The  upper  part  of  the  ravine  contains  a 
swamp  which  is  drained  by  a  brook.  It  is  a  gloomy-looking  locality  and 
well-shaded  by  large  trees.  Amid  these  somber  surroundings  I  discovered 
a  cache,  not  of  the  kind,  though,  hiding  ready-made  implements,  but  one 
filled  only  with  the  raw  material  used  in  their  manufacture.  This  place 
is  at  the  foot  of  the  ledge  and  is  simply  a  deep  hole  about  five  feet  high  with 
the  floor  and  roof  slanting  downward  and  backward  at  an  easy  incline. 


1909.] 


Schrabisch,  Rock  Shelters. 


157 


Owing  to  its  limited  height,  it  was  not  suited  for  habitation,  unless,  indeed, 
its  tenants  were  willing  to  assume  a  stooping  posture.  Yet,  while  there  is 
nothing  to  show  that  this  place  was  ever  inhabited,  there  are  indications 
that  it  has  been  used  as  a  cache.  For  that  purpose  it  was  admirably 
adapted  with  its  floor  hard  and  smooth,  and  well-confined  within  the  walls 
of  the  ledge.  Excavation  of  the  subsoil  brought  to  light  hundreds  of  flint 
nodules,  all  showing  the  well-known  conchoidal  fractures  and  ranging  in 
size  from  a  goose  egg  to  a  man's  fist.  To  dispel  all  doubt  as  to  this  mate- 
rial having  been  deposited  here  by  the  Indians,  we  also  found  along  with 
it  an  imperfect  arrow  point  or  reject.  There  was  not  the  slightest  trace  of 
any  other  antiquities.  The  presumption  that  all  these  nodules  occurred 
here  naturally,  is  to  be  utterly  discredited,  in  the  first  place,  because  flint 
does  not  occur  nearby,  and  elsewhere  in  this  region  it  is  met  with  only 
sporadically  and  certainly  not  in  such  quantities,  all  thrown  in  a  heap; 
secondly,  because  they  were  most  obviously  split  and  made  up  into  con- 
venient sizes  by  some  intelligent  mind,  and  deposited  there  for  future  use. 
Most  rocks  hereabouts  are  composed  of  granite  and  gneiss,  with  some  mica 
here  and  there. 

Ramapo  River.  The  third  and  last  shelter,  within  the  Torne  Mountain 
range,  to  engage  our  attention  is  situated  in  its  extreme  southernmost  portion, 
at  the  very  edge  of  its  terminal  ridges  and  less  than  ten  meters  from  the  banks 
of  the  Ramapo  River.  Sterlington  on  the  other  side  of  the  river  lies  almost 
opposite,  that  is,  a  little  to  the  north  of  it.  It  is  an  overhanging  rock,  typical 
of  many  other  in  this  section.  Its  roof  projects  nearly  ten  feet  and  inclines 
towards  the  rear,  thus  forming  with  the  floor  an  acute  angle  of,  say,  fifty 
degrees.  Being  high  above  in  the  forward  part  and  the  centre,  one  may 
stand  erect.  Large  boulders  enclose  this  place  laterally.  With  the  river 
flowing  in  front  and  the  sunshine  flooding  it  all  day,  the  locality  was  suffi- 
ciently alluring  to  attract  the  attention  of  the  native  inhabitants.  Potsherds 
afforded,  as  usual,  the  first  signs  of  the  red  man's  whilom  presence.  To 
determine  their  position  and  relative  number,  the  surface  was  at  first  left 
undisturbed.  Having  recovered  all  that  lay  on  top,  the  soil  was  dug  up, 
until  at  a  depth  varying  from  six  to  twelve  inches,  the  rock  bottom  was 
reached.  In  this  way  it  was  found  that  the  proportion  of  fragments  on  top 
to  those  buried  was  about  one  to  three.  During  this  process  it  was  shown 
once  more  that  the  pottery  occurred  in  upper  layers  only,  a  fact  hinting 
again  at  a  succession  of  culture-horizons  and  a  relatively  recent  introduction 
of  the  ceramic  art.  While  thus  it  lay  at  most  an  inch  or  two  below,  there  was 
one  narrow  circumscribed  spot,  where  it  was  buried  fully  five  inches.  This 
spot  was  obviously  the  site  of  a  fireplace,  as  indicated  by  charcoal,  heat 
stones,  etc.    Its  presence  at  such  a  depth  in  this  one  place  does  therefore  not 


158         Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


clash  in  the  least  with  conclusions  previously  arrived  at.  The  ornamenta- 
tion on  potsherds  was  along  conventional  lines,  the  cord-mark  design  pre- 
vailing. Aside  from  the  hundred  or  more  pieces  of  pottery,  this  shelter 
yielded  three  arrow  points,  the  base  of  a  spear-head,  two  scrapers  and  a 
large  quantity  of  chips.  Bones  were  entirely  lacking.  Certain  indications 
go  to  prove  that  an  Indian  thoroughfare  passed  by  this  rock,  running  from 
Ramapo  to  Tuxedo  along  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Ramapo  River.  The  lay 
of  the  land  was,  at  all  events,  quite  favorable  to  such  a  trail.  Again,  south 
of  this  shelter  and  in  the  direction  of  Ramapo,  the  cliffs  stand  well  back, 
and  on  the  high  and  level  bank  intervening  between  mountain  and  river,  I 
found  at  three  different  places  the  signs  of  erstwhile  Indian  camping-grounds. 
Hence,  there  is  good  ground  for  believing  that  the  shelter  on  the  river's  bank 
was  often  visited. 

One  of  the  wildest  and  most  charming  regions  within  this  territory  lies 
directly  north  of  the  Tome  Mountain  range.  A  deep  and  lovely  valley  forms 
the  dividing  line.  Starting  at  Sloatsburg  it  runs  in  a  northeasterly  direction 
to  St.  Johns,  a  little  settlement  amid  the  hills.  The  highway  which  connects 
both  places  clings  close  to  the  Stony  brook,  one  of  the  eastern  tributaries  of 
the  Ramapo  river.  A  ramble  through  this  valley  with  its  ever  changing 
scenery  is  at  once  enjoyable  and  inspiring.  To  the  right,  one  observes  the 
Torne  Mountain  chain  with  its  many  summits,  all  thickly  timbered;  to  the 
left,  there  greets  the  eye  a  group  of  hills  and  massive  crags,  rising  abruptly 
hundreds  of  feet  in  the  air.  Most  conspicuous  among  the  latter  are  two 
hills,  locally  known  as  Mine  Hill  and  Pound  Hill.  Amid  their  rocky  fast- 
nesses we  discovered  two  more  spots  of  archaeological  moment,  the  last  ones 
within  the  county  of  Rockland  that  remain  to  be  discussed. 

Pound  II ill.  One  of  them  is  not  far  from  the  summit  of  Pound  Hill, 
on  its  southeastern  slope,  about  three  and  one-half  miles  northeast  of  Sloats- 
burg and  a  mile  and  a  half  north  of  the  Stony  Brook  road.  The  place  is 
well-nigh  inaccessible  and  everything  seems  to  conspire  to  hide  it  from  sight. 
A  maze  of  rocks  and  a  jungle  of  wild  laurel  and  thick  underbrush  surround 
it  on  all  sides,  and  above  it  all,  there  loom  loose  and  disjointed  crags  of 
fantastic  shapes  and  strange  outlines.  Here  chaos  seems  to  hold  full  sway. 
In  keeping  with  these  environments  there  is  this  singular  structure  of  an 
overhanging  rock,  gloomy  and  dark,  deep  and  spacious,  but  with  a  roof  so 
low  as  to  necessitate  crouching.  This  roof  is  less  than  five  feet  high  and 
projects  at  least  fifteen  feet.  It  is  perfectly  horizontal.  The  cliff  faces 
southeast,  and  a  short  distance  from  it,  there  is  a  swamp  drained  by  a  brook. 
The  harvest  comprised  a  score  of  chips,  a  few  bones  and  three  fragments  of 
arrow-heads.  Pottery  was  wholly  lacking.  But  for  the  low  ceiling,  it  would 
have  been  an  ideal  covert. 


1909.] 


Schrabisch,  Rock  Shelters. 


159 


Mine  Hill.  Mine  Hill  is  situated  southwest  of  Pound  Hill  and  between 
them  there  lies  a  plateau,  or,  to  be  more  precise,  an  exceedingly  rough  tract 
of  elevated  land  which  is  crossed  by  many  gorges  and  steep  ridges.  About 
midway  between  the  plateau  and  the  top  of  Mine  Hill  a  cliff  of  considerable 
length  extends  across  its  southeastern  declivity.  There  is  one  spot  in 
particular,  not  far  from  the  boundary  line  which  separates  Rockland  and 
Orange  counties,  where  the  formation  of  the  cliff  is  strikingly  grotesque. 
At  this  point  an  overhanging  rock  of  huge  dimensions  may  be  noticed.  Its 
lofty  roof  juts  far  out,  and  in  front  there  is  a  colossal  boulder  parallel  to  the 
ledge  and  forming  with  it  a  passage-way  about  twenty  feet  long  and  five 
feet  wide.  To  the  left  of  it  a  rocky  mass  as  high  as  the  cliff,  stands  out 
prominently  at  right  angles  and  far  into  it  there  enter  two  cavities,  side  by 
side.  This  remarkable  place  has  been  but  partly  explored  for  reasons  given 
below.  Examination  of  the  passage-way  revealed  some  slight  traces  of  an 
ancient  fireplace  near  the  centre,  as  indicated  by  blackened  soil,  heat  stones, 
etc.  Furthermore,  a  quantity  of  chips  were  found,  distributed  over  the 
surface  and  upper  strata.  It  may  appear  strange  that  a  place  of  this  char- 
acter should  prove  so  disappointing.  However,  there  was  one  great  dis- 
advantage which  could  not  but  be  prejudicial  to  any  shelter,  no  matter  how 
excellent  in  other  respects.  This  was  the  absence  of  water  in  the  immediate 
vicinity.  The  nearest  supply  is  afforded  by  a  brook  about  two  hundred 
meters  away,  a  distance  too  great  to  suit  the  comfort-loving  Indian. 


Orange  County,  New  York. 


The  last  part  of  our  narrative  will  be  devoted  to  the  study  of  the  three 
Orange  County  shelters.  We  shall  attempt  to  give  a  synopsis  of  the  char- 
acter and  distinctive  features  of  each  and  of  the  objects  found  there.  All 
three  are  within  the  township  of  Tuxedo,  i.  e.,  in  that  part  of  it  which  lies 
east  of  the  Ramapo  River.  As  regards  their  distribution,  one  is  in  the  south- 
ernmost portion  of  the  township,  the  second  near  the  centre,  and  the  last, 
in  the  north,  close  to  the  Woodbury  township  line.  While  the  first  one  is  on 
the  very  outskirts  of  the  mountains  and  easily  accessible,  the  last  two  are 
high  up  among  the  lonely  hills,  miles  away  from  human  habitations.  Again, 
while  the  first  one  is  least  interesting  from  the  archaeological  view  point, 
the  others,  notably  the  second  one,  proved  to  be  veritable  mines  of  pre- 
historic relics. 

Tuxedo.  Being  most  easily  accessible,  the  former  was  discovered  and 
investigated  long  before  the  others.  It  is  situated  on  the  eastern  bank  of 
the  Ramapo  River,  two  miles  north  of  Sloatsburg  and  one  mile  south  of 
Tuxedo.    Between  the  latter  places,  the  cliffs  marking  the  extreme  west- 


160 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


ern  bounds  of  the  mountains,  run  more  or  less  parallel  with  the  river,  at 
a  distance  averaging  about  three  hundred  meters.  Toward  Tuxedo,  they 
approach  the  river  more  closely  and  their  configuration  becomes  one  of 
greater  ruggedness  and  increasing  height.  Here  we  came  across  our  first 
Orange  County  shelter.  Its  roof  is  smooth  and  slopes  down  to  the  floor, 
like  an  inclined  plane,  at  a  dip  of  some  fifty  degrees.  As  a  consequence, 
one  cannot  stand  upright  under  it,  except  in  the  fore  part.  The  maximum 
elevation  of  the  roof  along  the  outermost  edge  is  about  seven  feet  and  the 
dimensions  of  the  floor  are  twenty  feet  long  and  ten  feet  wide.  The  rock 
faces  west  and  the  river  in  front  is  no  more  than  a  hundred  meters  away. 
In  point  of  finds,  this  shelter  was  far  from  prolific.  The  total  yield  con- 
sisted in  a  few  broken  arrow-heads  or  rejects  and  a  quantity  of  chips. 
There  was  no  vestige  of  potsherds  or  bones,  nor  did  we  succeed  in  find- 
ing a  fireplace.  However,  the  search  has  thus  far  been  carried  on  rather 
perfunctorily,  and  pending  further  investigation  it  would  be  rash  to  make 
anv  definite  statements. 

Horsestable  Rock.  In  the  following,  we  shall  treat  at  some  length,  of  a 
place  which  may  well  be  deemed  the  monarch  of  aboriginal  rock-shelters 
for  many  miles  around.  Structurally,  it  is  the  finest  type  of  shelter  which 
it  has  been  our  good  fortune  to  discover;  but  it  also  excels  vastly  all  the 
others  with  respect  to  number  and  variety  of  antiquities  left  there.  This 
place  is  locally  known  as  Horsestable  Rock.  We  knew  of  it  from  hearsay, 
years  before  we  had  any  conception  of  Indian  rock-shelters.  Indeed,  our 
first  efforts  to  locate  it  were  not  at  all  prompted  by  ethnological  interest, 
but  rather  by  purely  historical  considerations,  since  Horsestable  Rock  had 
played  a  certain  part  in  the  Revolutionary  history  of  the  Ramapo  Moun- 
tains, by  having  been  the  headquarters  and  hiding  place  of  a  noted  Tory 
chief  and  brigand,  called  Claudius  Smith,  surnamed  the  Cowboy  of  the 
Ramapo  Mountains.  To  conceive  of  its  having  been  the  haunt  of  pre- 
historic people  was  reserved  for  a  much  later  period. 

Horsestable  Rock  lies  four  miles  N.  N.  E.  of  Sloatsburg  and  two  and  a 
half  miles  east  of  Tuxedo.  It  is  a  place  quite  difficult  of  access,  for  though 
there  are  some  rough  wood-roads  about,  none  lead  close  up  to  it,  save  one, 
and  this  is  almost  obliterated.  As  its  altitude  above  tidewater  is  about  one 
thousand  feet,  the  neighboring  hills  look  rather  insignificant,  with  their  tops 
not  exceeding  twelve  hundred  feet.  The  rock  faces  west  overlooking  a 
comparatively  level  tract  of  woodland,  and  right  in  front  is  a  swamp,  cov- 
ered with  luxuriant  vegetation.  In  order  to  give  a  better  idea  of  the  topog- 
raphy of  this  section,  be  it  remarked  that  the  mountain  rises  in  terraces, 
of  which  the  level  space  just  mentioned  forms  the  second  from  the  summit. 
The  next  terrace,  some  forty  feet  above,  occupies  the  top  of  the  cliff  back 


1909.J 


Schrabisch,  Rock  Shelters. 


161 


of  Horsestable  Rock,  and  is  bounded  eastward  by  a  much  higher  and  more 
rugged  crag  known  as  Claud's  Den,  the  top  of  which  marks  the  highest 
elevation  of  the  mountain,  i.  e.,  1150  feet.  Tradition  points  to  this  crag  as 
having  been  the  chief  hiding  place  of  Claudius  Smith,  already  alluded  to 
as  a  guerilla  of  Revolutionary  fame.  At  the  foot  of  it  there  is  an  over- 
hanging rock,  and  half  way  up  its  face  a  kind  of  gallery  or  covered  passage, 
four  feet  wide  and  fifty  odd  feet  long.  Although  we  left  no  stone  unturned 
in  searching  this  spot,  we  did  not  succeed  in  finding  remains,  either  ancient 
or  modern.  As  regards  Horsestable  Rock,  it  is  said  to  owe  its  name  to  the 
fact  that  Claudius  Smith  used  it  for  stabling  the  horses  and  cattle  which 
were  carried  off  during  the  frequent  depredations  committed  by  himself 
and  followers  against  the  Dutch  patriots.  How  much  of  truth  there  is  in 
the  traditions  investing  this  rock,  what  is  idle  fancy,  what  authentic  his- 
tory, is  hard  to  ascertain.  However,  later  investigation  furnished  certain 
evidence  which  really  seems  to  give  countenance  to  some  of  the  stories  cur- 
rent in  regard  to  it. 

As  already  stated,  Horsestable  Rock  is  by  far  the  largest  rock-shelter 
for  a  radius  of  many  miles.  Its  roof  inclines  backward,  showing  along  its 
outermost  edge  an  elevation  above  the  floor  of  from  nine  to  twelve  feet. 
As  it  does  not  slant  all  the  way  down,  but  joins  the  vertical  back  wall  at  an 
average  height  of  four  feet  above  the  floor,  one  can  stand  upright  in  nearly 
all  parts  of  the  shelter.  The  covered  space  has  a  frontage  of  seventy  feet 
and  a  uniform  width  of  fifteen  feet.  At  the  extreme  right  there  is  an  addi- 
tional protection  in  the  shape  of  a  protruding  rock  with  adjoining  embank- 
ment. Near  the  extreme  left,  water  trickles  through  a  crevice  on  the  inner 
wall,  collecting  in  a  natural  basin  which  is  always  filled,  except  during  periods 
of  great  drouth.  The  floor  slopes  in  a  gentle  curve  from  either  side  towards 
the  centre,  the  depression  not  exceeding  three  feet.  Within  this  hollow 
space,  which,  indeed,  appeared  almost  level,  there  were  found  deposited  two 
boulders  of  about  equal  size  and  weighing  at  least  two  thousand  pounds 
each.  They  were  placed  close  together  so  as  to  form  an  acute  angle  and 
this  position  suggested  at  once  the  site  of  a  fireplace,  a  supposition  borne 
out  afterwards  by  the  remains  there  discovered.  Apart  from  its  great  size, 
Horsestable  Rock  is  remarkable,  in  that  it  can  draw  on  a  threefold  water 
supply.  First,  there  is  the  swamp  in  front;  second,  the  water  oozing  through 
fissures  on  the  inner  wall  of  the  shelter;  and  last,  a  spring  at  the  head  of 
swamp  north  of  the  rock  and  less  than  a  hundred  meters  distant.  While 
the  first-named  sources  generally  dry  up  during  midsummer,  the  spring  is 
always  filled  with  an  abundance  of  ice-cold  water. 

It  goes  without  saying  that  to  explore  a  place  of  such  magnitude  was  by 
no  means  an  easy  undertaking,  even  under  favorable  circumstances  and 


162 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


with  the  best  of  tools.  In  our  own  case,  matters  were  aggravated  because 
of  the  inadequacy  of  the  tools  at  our  command  and  we  were  therefore  pre- 
pared for  a  long  and  arduous  search.  Being  thus  handicapped,  the  investi- 
gation progressed  quite  slowly  and  has  hitherto  been  limited  to  the  lower 
middle  portion,  comprising  about  one  third  of  the  entire  space.  This 
section  was  selected,  because  there  was  good  reason  for  thinking  that  it 
would  contain  a  majority  of  relics.  Before  we  had  begun  digging,  many 
chips  were  found  scattered  over  the  surface  —  fore-runners  of  the  antiquities 
that  were  soon  to  follow.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  the  area  excavated  as  yet 
comprises  upwards  of  three  hundred  cubic  feet,  and  near  its  centre  are  the 
two  boulders  above  described.  The  debris  overlying  the  rock  bottom 
varied  between  one  and  two  feet  in  depth  and  all  this  mass  was  gradually 
removed  together  with  a  number  of  large  rocks  imbedded  in  it.  Many  of 
the  remains  lay  close  to  the  boulders,  some  even  underneath  them. 

A  minute  search  of  the  debris  yielded  the  following  antiquities.  In  the 
upper  layers,  there  occurred  three  large  English  copper  coins  of  1729  and 
1737.  These  modern  curiosities  lay  from  one  to  three  inches  below  and  on 
one  side  of  the  boulders.  Next  came  four  leaden  bullets,  all  cast  in  a  mold, 
three  of  them  as  large  as  ox-heart  cherries,  the  other,  half  their  size.  They 
occurred  far  apart  and  quite  near  the  top.  Mingled  with  them  were  chips, 
bones  and  other  objects  in  great  profusion.  Primitive  culture  was  repre- 
sented by  a  hundred  and  thirty-eight  specimens,  in  varying  conditions  of 
preservation.  First,  there  were  two  spear-heads.  One  was  of  argillite, 
five  inches  long,  leaf-shaped  and  with  a  straight  stem;  the  other,  was  three 
inches  long,  of  flint  and  lanciform.  The  harvest  included  furthermore, 
seventy-nine  arrow-heads  of  which  fifty  were  perfect,  besides  fifty-six  frag- 
ments of  heads  and  one  scraper.  Two  of  the  points  were  less  than  one  inch 
long  and  triangular  in  shape,  sixty-one,  between  one  and  two  inches,  and 
sixteen,  more  than  two  indies.  One  was  barbed,  another  twisted,  some 
serrated,  nine  triangular  and  without  notches,  and  the  rest  were  all  notched. 
A  few  of  these  points  were  corroded  and  calcinized,  as  if  very  old.  The 
material  used  in  their  manufacture  was  flint,  quartz,  limestone,  chert, 
argillite  and  slate.  In  addition,  there  were  thousands  of  flakes  and  bones, 
the  latter  belonging  for  the  most  part  to  the  deer  family;  but  there  were  also 
the  remains  of  many  other  animals,  among  which  we  may  mention  bear, 
wolf,  raccoon,  opossum  and  beaver.  Of  particular  interest  were  two  deer's 
horns  and  one  beaver  tooth,  the  latter  gracefully  curved  and  four  inches 
long,  The  deer's  tines  lay  at  the  site  of  the  fireplace;  the  beaver  tooth  under 
one  of  the  boulders  at  a  depth  of  about  five  inches.  The  deposit  within  the 
fireplace  and  close  by  contained  a  disproportionately  large  number  of  relics 
and  probably  fifty  per  cent  of  the  objects  were  here  crowded  into  some 
twenty  cubic  feet  of  soil. 


1909.] 


Schrabisch,  Rock  Shelters. 


163 


The  fact  that  Horsestable  Rock  did  not  contain  the  slightest  vestige  of 
earthenware,  may  appear  anomalous  at  first  sight.  Still,  its  absence  may  be 
accounted  for  satisfactorily  by  taking  into  consideration  the  general  inac- 
cessibility and  remoteness  of  this  rock  from  the  nearest  aboriginal  settle- 
ments. To  carry  pottery  over  miles  of  an  exceedingly  rough  territory  would 
have  been  not  only  very  cumbersome  but  useless,  bound  as  these  Indians 
were  on  a  hunting  trip. 

In  this  connection  we  wish  to  comment  on  an  observation,  which  if  well 
founded,  will  tend  to  vitiate  somewhat  the  testimony  heretofore  adduced, 
at  least  in  so  far  as  it  pertains  to  the  objects  of  modern  origin.  In  the  course 
of  the  investigation  we  could  not  help  suspecting  that  the  layers  had  been 
disturbed.  There  were,  to  be  sure,  no  fresh  traces  of  any  such  disturbance; 
still,  the  subsoil  appeared  to  have  been  dug  up  in  places  at  some  not  very 
recent  period.  It  is  indeed  conceivable  that  treasure  hunters  had  searched 
this  shelter,  it  having  always  been  rumored  that  Claudius  Smith  had  buried 
his  booty  hereabouts.  Another  point  worthy  of  notice  is  the  fact  that  more 
than  two-thirds  of  the  relics,  i.  e.,  the  arrow-heads,  were  mutilated.  In 
nearly  all  these  cases,  the  points  had  been  broken  off,  while  the  bases  were 
practically  intact.  By  reason  of  this  curious  medley  of  ancient  and  modern 
remains,  Horsestable  Rock  must  be  regarded  as  the  most  interesting  of  all 
the  shelters  hitherto  explored.  It  is  unique,  invested  as  it  is  with  memories 
both  prehistoric  and  modern.  Moreover,  there  may  be  a  grain  of  truth  in 
the  traditions  relating  to  this  locality,  since,  irrespective  of  other  evidence, 
it  is  not  at  all  impossible  that  the  four  bullets,  above  alluded  to,  date  back  to 
revolutionary  times,  when  it  is  said,  this  rock  was  one  of  the  haunts  of 
Claudius  Smith,  surnamed  the  Cowboy  of  the  Ramapo  Mountains. 

Goshen  Mountain.  If  accident  ever  played  a  part,  it  surely  did  so  in  the 
circumstances  attending  the  discovery  of  the  last  aboriginal  rock-shelter 
which  remains  to  be  discussed.  With  a  view  to  reconnoitering  a  tract  of 
land  which  was  then  terra  incognita  to  us,  we  started  from  Arden,  a  station 
on  the  Erie  Railway,  on  the  22nd  of  November,  1908,  bound  for  the  wooded 
hills  east  of  it.  On  we  went,  until  we  reached  the  Goshen  Mountain,  five 
and  a  half  miles  east  of  Arden.  Scanning  the  country  to  the  right  and  left, 
we  happened  to  see  a  rocky  eminence,  a  hundred  and  fifty  meters  from  the 
wood  road  and  scarcely  visible  from  it,  owing  to  the  heavy  timber  obstructing 
our  view.  Squeezing  through  the  tangled  underbrush  we  approached  the 
cliff,  with  little  thought  of  finding  here  a  remarkably  good  Indian  shelter. 

This  place,  the  farthest  north  of  all  the  seventeen  shelters,  is  situated  in 
the  northernmost  portion  of  Tuxedo  township  close  to  the  Woodbury 
township  line.  It  is  perched  on  the  western  slope  of  Goshen  Mountain,  a 
hundred  and  thirty  feet  below  its  summit,  at  an  altitude  of  1160  feet  above 


164        Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


sea  level.  It  faces  south,  overlooking  a  swampy  piece  of  ground  nearby. 
West  of  it,  fifty  meters  lower  down  and  some  three  hundred  meters  distant, 
there  lies  a  placid  sheet  of  water,  called  Cedar  Pond,  three  quarters  of  a 
mile  long  and  one-third  of  a  mile  wide. 

Although  structurally  not  differing  greatly  from  other  overhanging  rocks, 
it  has  still  some  features  of  its  own.  Its  roof  is  horizontal  and  projects  five 
feet  at  right  angles  to  a  vertical  inner  wall.  Westward,  it  is  protected  by  a 
protruding  mass  of  rock,  also  at  right  angles  to  the  inner  wall.  The  inside 
dimensions  of  the  shelter  are  twelve  feet  long  and  five  feet  wide.  Prior  to 
excavation  the  height  of  the  ceiling  above  the  floor  was  less  than  five  feet. 
Afterwards,  when  rock  bottom  was  reached,  it  was  over  six  feet.  This  was 
no  doubt  the  original  elevation  of  the  roof,  until  the  gradual  accumulation  of 
debris  decreased  it.  The  surface  was  quite  even  and  overlain  by  vegetable 
mold,  over  which  numerous  bones  were  scattered.  Potsherds  in  great 
abundance  occurred  in  upper  layers  to  a  depth  not  exceeding  three  inches. 
Mingled  with  them  were  other  bones  and  hundreds  of  flakes.  Two  inches 
below  the  top,  the  first  arrow-head  came  to  sight.  Deeper  down  many  more 
were  dug  out,  some  of  them  lying  eighteen  inches  below  on  rock  bottom. 

Two  fireplaces  could  be  distinguished,  one  in  the  corner  formed  by  the 
lateral  projection  and  inner  wall;  the  other,  four  feet  east  of  it  close  to  the 
wall.  Here  the  soil  was  almost  black  through  admixture  with  charcoal, 
and  imbedded  in  it  were  charred  bones,  fire-cracked  pebbles,  chips,  points 
and  nearer  the  top  fragments  of  pottery. 

Examination  of  the  shelter  is  not  yet  complete,  for  while  most  of  the 
inner  portion  has  been  explored,  there  remain  for  future  search  all  the  out- 
side accumulations.  Thus  far,  the  following  implements  were  obtained: — 
three  scrapers,  fashioned  of  Milestone,  and  triangular  in  shape.  Seventeen 
perfect  arrow-heads  made  of  flint,  argillite  and  chert,  of  which,  ten  were 
notched,  seven  were  without  notches,  so-called  warpoints  and  also  triangular. 
One  was  over  two  inches  long,  eleven  between  one  and  two,  and  five  less 
than  an  inch.  Besides,  there  were  fourteen  fragments  of  heads.  Then 
there  were  a  piece  of  a  bone,  a  little  over  an  inch  long,  perforated  at  one  end 
and  probably  used  as  a  pendant;  one  deer's  horn  and  the  upper  part  of 
another;  the  lower  jawbone  of  a  deer  with  some  teeth,  and  numberless  other 
bones,  also  mostly  of  deer.  In  addition  to  all  this  there  occurred  upwards 
of  a  thousand  chips,  distributed  from  top  to  bottom  in  every  part  of  the 
shelter. 

In  contradistinction  to  Horsestable  Rock,  the  Goshen  Mountain  shelter, 
if  we  may  so  term  it,  contained  potsherds  in  plenty.  Their  absence  in  the 
former  was  ascribed  to  topographical  reasons,  that  is  to  say,  to  the  rugged- 
ness  of  the  territory  surrounding  it,  which  precluded  transportation.    At  all 


1909.] 


Schrabisch,  Rock  Shelters. 


165 


events,  this  theory  seems  to  be  the  most  plausible  of  any  that  may  be  ad- 
vanced. Moreover,  its  correctness  is  substantiated  in  the  case  of  the  present 
shelter.  Notwithstanding  its  higher  altitude,  this  place  is  far  more  easily 
accessible,  although  probably  farther  removed  from  the  sites  of  erstwhile 
Indian  villages  than  Horsestable  Rock.  The  northernmost  section  of 
Tuxedo  township  is  not  nearly  as  rough  as  the  former,  a  few  miles  farther 
south.  Its  slopes  are  gentler  and  the  character  of  the  land,  high  up  among 
the  hills,  is  more  undulating,  alternating  with  level  stretches  here  and  there. 
Hence,  pottery  could  be  conveyed  with  little  difficulty;  hence  also,  its  pres- 
ence at  the  Goshen  Mountain  shelter.  The  quantity  it  yielded  was  equiva- 
lent to  a  dozen  pots  or  more.  Few  of  the  pieces  were  ornamented,  and  these 
were  either  cord-marked  or  incised.  The  conditions  under  which  they  were 
found  were  wholly  analogous  to  previous  experience,  inasmuch  as  they 
occurred  in  upper  strata  only.  Since  these  strata  averaged  less  than  one- 
fifth  of  the  entire  accumulation,  this  fact  admits,  as  formerly,  of  but  one 
conclusion.  Primarily,  it  suggests  two  epochs  of  material  culture;  and, 
more  particularly,  it  points  to  a  relatively  recent  use  of  pottery  in  rock- 
shelters,  this  stage  being  preceded  by  long  periods  during  which  earthen- 
ware was  not  so  used. 

That  the  huntsmen  who  visited  this  rock  found  it  a  convenient  spot  is 
quite  evident  when  we  consider  its  natural  advantages.  It  was  a  sunny 
nook  with  plenty  of  water  nearby  and  therefore  well  suited  for  temporary 
occupation.  That  they  often  camped  -  here  may  be  gathered  from  the 
abundance  of  objects  deposited  in  debris.  .Furthermore,  it  is  certain  that 
the  occupants  of  this,  as  well  as  of  the  other  sixteen  shelters  were  of  Algonkin 
stock.  While  two  of  the  many  subdivisions  of  this  race  are  known  to  have 
foamed  over  this  territory,  viz.,  the  Lenni  Lenape  and  the  Mohegans,  it  is 
not  an  easy  matter  to  determine  with  any  degree  of  accuracy  the  distribution 
or  geographical  boundaries  of  each.  As  regards  the  frequenters  of  the 
North  Jersey  rock-dwellings,  we  may  be  reasonably  sure  that  they  were 
members  of  the  Wolf  clan  or  Minsi,  the  most  ferocious  and  warlike  of  the 
Lenni  Lenape\  In  the  case  of  the  Ramapo  Mountain  shelters  it  is  a  mooted 
question  whether  they  belonged  to  the  Minsi  or  to  the  Mohegans.  As  the 
latter  were,  however,  closely  allied  to  the  Lenni  Lenape  and,  by  the  way, 
near  kinsmen  of  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  Manhattan,  the  problem  is,  after 
all,  of  little  importance,  involving,  as  it  does,  some  finer  distinctions  of 
tribal  relation. 


ANCIENT  SHELL  HEAPS  NEAR  NEW  YORK  CITY. 

BY 

H.  R.  HARRINGTON. 


>Of  all  the  traces  left  by  the  aborigines  along  the  New  York  seacoast, 
the  most  abundant  and  familiar  are  the  shell  heaps  —  the  beds  of  refuse 
marking  the  sites  of  ancient  villages,  camps  and  isolated  wigwams.  Wher- 
ever the  fresh  water  joins  the  salt  and  especially  where  open  water  for  fishing, 
a  creek  with  its  clam  beds,  and  a  spring  for  drinking  come  together  in  happy 
combination,  there  is  generally  to  be  found  some  such  evidence  of  Indian 
occupation,  unless,  as  is  often  the  case,  settlement  and  improvement  have 
buried  deep  the  shells  or  carted  them  away. 

The  typical  shell  heap  is  not  a  "heap"  at  all,  for  leaf  mold,  the  wash 
from  neighboring  high  ground  and  often  cultivation  have  made  it  level  with 
its  surroundings  (Fig.  27).  Very  often,  unless  the  land  be  plowed,  no  shells 
whatever  show  on  the  surface,  and  the  only  way  of  finding  out  the  conditions 


TVt  "Pit  Ash- bed 


Fig.  27.    Diagram  of  a  Typical  Shell  Deposit. 


of  things  below  the  sod  is  to  test  with  a  spade  or  a  crowbar.  If  shells  are 
present,  their  crunching  soon  gives  notice  of  the  fact.  Sometimes  shell 
heaps  have  been  located  by  shells  thrown  from  mole  and  woodchuck  bur- 
rows, or  by  outcropping  in  gullies  washed  by  the  rain,  or  banks  broken 
down  by  the  surf.  They  are  generally  located  near  some  creek  or  bay  on 
low  but  dry  ground,  preferably  with  an  eastern  or  southern  exposure,  and, 
as  before  mentioned  not  far  from  drinking  water.  Some  have  been  found 
fronting  on  the  open  Sound,  but  such  cases  are  rare.  These  deposits  con- 
sist of  large  quantities  of  decayed  oyster,  clam,  and  other  marine  shells 
mixed  with  stained  earth,  with  here  and  there  ashes,  charcoal  and  fire- 
broken  stones  to  mark  the  spots  where  ancient  camp  fires  blazed.  Among 
the  shells  are  usually  scattered  antler  of  deer,  fish  bones,  bones  of  animals 


169 


170        Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


and  birds  split  for  the  marrow,  quantities  of  pottery  fragments,  and  broken 
implements,  in  short,  the  imperishable  part  of  the  camp  refuse  left  by  the 
Indians.  Now  and  then,  perfect  implements  and  ornaments  that  had  been 
carelessly  lost  in  the  rubbish  or  hidden  for  safe-keeping  are  discovered. 
Little  did  the  Indian  think,  as  he  laid  away  his  little  hoard,  that  his  handi- 
work would  never  see  light  again  until  he  and  his  people  had  long  been  gone 
and  forgotten. 

Shell  heaps  vary  from  a  few  inches  to  four  feet  in  depth,  and  in  area  from 
a  few  square  yards  to  several  acres  —  all  depending  on  the  length  of  time 
the  settlement  was  occupied  and  the  number  of  dwellings  comprising  it. 
Deep  shell  heaps  are  often  divided  into  layers,  the  deepest  of  which  are,  of 


Fip.  28.    Cross  Section  of  a  Shell  Pit. 


course,  the  oldest.  Under  and  near  most  of  these  deposits  may  be  found 
scattered  "pits"  or  fire  holes,  which  are  bowl-shaped  depressions  in  the 
ground  filled  with  layers  of  stained  earth,  shells  and  other  refuse,  with  an 
occasional  layer  of  ashes.  Some  pits  are  as  large  as  ten  feet  wide  by  six 
feet  deep,  but  the  average  is  four  feet  deep  by  three  feet.  It  is  supposed 
that  they  were  used  as  ovens  or  steaming  holes  and  afterwards  filled  up  with 
refuse  (Fig.  28).  Some  contain  human  skeletons,  which  may  have  been 
interred  in  them  during  the  winter  season  when  grave  digging  was  impossi- 
ble. Pits  as  a  rule,  contain  more  of  interest  than  the  ordinary  shell  layer. 
The  closely  packed  regular  masses  of  shells  form  a  covering  which  tends  to 
preserve  bone  implements,  charred  corn,  and  such  perishable  articles  from 
decay,  in  a  way  that  the  looser  shells  of  the  general  layers  fail  to  do. 


1909.] 


Harrington,  Shell  Heaps. 


171 


The  implements,  utensils  and  ornaments  found  in  the  shell  heaps  in- 
clude objects  made  of  stone,  copper,  bone  and  antler,  shell  and  baked  clay. 
Arrow  points  are  among  the  most  abundant  of  stone  relics  and  exist  in  great 
variety,  while  larger  points  evidently  intended  for  knives  or  spears  are  not 
uncommon.  Drills  are  rare,  but  some  very  fine  narrow  blades  of  this  class 
have  been  secured.  Implements  of  stone  called  scrapers,  with  chipped 
beveled  edges  were  probably  used  for  scraping  down  arrow  shafts  or  for 
scraping  skin  and  the  like,  as  a  piece  of  glass  is  used  by  modern  wood- 
workers. Sometimes  mere  flakes  of  stone  show  signs  of  use  as  knives  or 
scrapers.  Even  more  abundant  than  the  arrow-heads  themselves  may  be 
found  rejects  —  the  failures  of  arrow  point  making  —  stones  that  proved 
too  obdurate  to  work,  that  broke,  or  that  flaked  improperly.  Quartz  was 
the  favorite  material  for  chipped  implements  in  Westchester  County  and 
Long  Island,  probably  because  it  might  be  found  on  any  beach,  while  chert 
and  jasper  were  harder  to  get,  and  argillite  had  to  be  imported  from  what  is 
now  New  Jersey.  This  was  frequently  done,  however,  for  greatly  weathered 
argillite  blades  and  fragments  are  often  found  in  the  local  shell  heaps. 

Stone  axes  of  two  kinds  have  been  found  —  the  celt  or  grooveless  axe 
which  was  probably  set  in  a  hole  in  its  club-like  handle,  and  the  grooved  axe, 
around  whose  groove  was  wrapped  a  handle  of  withes.  Pestles  are  cylindri- 
cal stone  implements  used  for  crushing  corn  and  herbs,  probably  in  wooden 
mortars,  though  stone  mortars,  mere  slabs  with  cup-shaped  depressions, 
alone  survive  in  the  shell  heaps  to-day,  the  wooden  ones  having  long  since 
been  destroyed.  I  do  not  think  the  long  stone  pestles  were  used  in  the  stone 
mortars,  their  place  being  taken  by  flat  cobbles.  These  implements,  called 
muller,  often  show  long  use  and  wear,  and  have  been  found  resting  on  the 
mortars.  Hammerstones  are  often  found,  usually  mere  natural  cobbles 
battered  by  use,  but  sometimes  slightly  pitted  on  one  or  both  sides  to  keep 
the  fingers  from  slipping.  Another  style  of  implement  having  a  shallow  pit 
and  slight  encircling  groove  may  have  been  hafted  and  used  as  a  maul. 
Stones  showing  traces  of  being  pounded  upon  are  called  anvils,  and  flat 
pebbles  notched  on  opposite  edges  for  the  cord,  were  used  as  net-sinkers. 
Sometimes  net-sinkers  were  grooved.  Large  cobbles  chipped  to  an  edge 
probably  served  as  hand-axes  or  choppers  and  split  stones  and  large  flakes 
were  slightly  altered  for  use  as  hoes  and  skin  scrapers. 

Flat  tablets  of  stone  called  gorgets,  with  one  or  more  perforations,  were 
probably  used  as  ornaments.  Crescent-shaped  flat  stones,  notched  in  the 
middle  and  usually  of  red  limonite,  occur,  and  are  classed  with  the  drilled 
" banner  stones"  or  "ceremonials"  of  unknown  use.  I  have  never  dis- 
covered any  of  the  drilled  variety  in  a  shell  heap,  but  have  heard  of  their 
being  found.    Occasional  fragments  of  cooking  vessels  made  of  soapstone 


172         Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


are  obtained  from  the  shell  heaps  —  vessels  that  were  long  and  shallow, 
with  a  projecting  knob  on  each  and  beneath  which  supporting  stones  could 
be  placed  when  the  pot  was  on  the  fire. 

I  know  of  but  few  stone  pipes  that  have  been  found  in  perfect  condition 
in  or  near  the  shell  heaps  of  this  region.  One  was  discovered  near  Inwood, 
on  Manhattan  Island  and  is  now  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Bolton  (Plate 
xvn);  the  other  came  from  a  child's  grave  near  a  shell  heap  at  Tottenville, 
Staten  Island,  and  was  collected  by  Mr.  G.  H.  Pepper  (Plate  ix).  It  is 
a  beautiful  specimen  of  the  "monitor"  or  "platform"  type  and  appears  to 
be  made  of  steatite.  Several  other  pipes  of  stone,  one  of  the  so-called 
trumpet  type  have  also  been  found  in  this  cemetery  while  several  fragments 
were  found  on  the  surface.  Pieces  of  red  and  black  soft  stones  such  as 
limonite  and  graphite,  deeply  scratched  for  paint  are  numerous  in  some 
shell  heaps. 

The  only  metallic  objects  found  that  date  back  before  the  coining  of  the 
Whites  are  bits  of  copper  pounded  out  flat  and  rolled  into  the  shape  of 
cylindrical  beads.  Even  these  are  rare.  Bone  and  deer  antler  implements 
were  extensively  used  by  the  New  York  seacoast  Indians  and  are  often  found 
in  the  shell  heaps.  Awls  are  the  most  abundant  of  these  and  exhibit  all 
degrees  of  elaboration  and  finish,  from  the  mere  sharpened  splinter  of  bone 
up  to  the  finely  rounded  and  polished  implement  showing  little  of  the  bone's 
original  surface.  They  were  undoubtedly  used  in  sewing  as  the  shoemaker 
uses  his  awl  to-day.  Often  the  joint  of  a  bone  has  been  left  to  serve  as  a 
handle  for  the  awl.  Bird  bones  were  sometimes  used,  but  deer  bone  was  the 
favorite  material.  Occasionally  awls  show  grooving  or  perforation  for 
suspension,  in  which  case  they  were  probably  hung  on  a  string  about  their 
owner's  neck  (Fig.  7). 

Broad,  flat,  bone  needles  sometimes  made  of  the  curved  surface  of  a  rib 
occur  in  small  numbers,  but  are  usually  broken  across  the  eye.  The  Sauk 
and  Fox  and  other  western  tribes  use  such  needles  for  making  mats  of 
cat-tail  flags. 

At  the  Shinnecock  Hills,  barbs  suitable  for  tying  on  fish  spears  were 
made  of  bone,  as  were  sometimes  arrow  points,  the  latter  fashioned  so  as  to 
use  a  part  of  the  marrow  canal  as  a  socket  for  the  shaft.  A  bone  implement 
resembling  a  draw  shave,  probably  used  for  removing  the  hair  from  skins, 
was  made  by  cutting  away  a  portion  of  a  deer's  leg  bone  so  as  to  leave  a 
narrow  blade  in  the  middle  with  the  joints  at  both  ends  to  serve  as  handles. 
Bird  bones  were  made  into  beads  or  tubes  and  beaver  teeth  into  knives. 

The  antlers  of  deer  were  found  useful  as  material  for  the  implements 
of  the  Indian's  daily  life.  Arrow  points  were  made  by  sharpening  an 
antler  prong,  cutting  it  off  and  drilling  out  the  base  of  the  cone  thus  formed 


1909.] 


Harrington,  Shell  Heaps. 


173 


to  receive  the  shaft.  Sometimes  a  projection  was  left  on  the  side  to  serve 
as  a  barb.  Near  the  shell  heaps  at  Tottenville,  Staten  Island,  Mr.  G.  H. 
Pepper  found  three  human  skeletons,  among  whose  bones  were  twenty-three 
arrow  points,  all  but  three  of  them,  of  bone  and  antler.  One  barbed  antler 
point  had  actually  penetrated  a  rib,  the  point  projecting  on  the  inside  (Plate 
m).  Antler  points  in  process  of  manufacture  and  antlers  from  which  prongs 
have  been  cut  are  frequent  in  the  shell  heaps. 

The  exact  use  of  the  cylinders  of  antler  so  often  found,  is  not  definitely 
known,  but  it  is  thought  they  may  have  been  used  as  flaking  tools,  held 
between  the  stone  blade  and  the  hammerstone  to  be  worked.  Some  antler 
prongs  show  signs  of  having  been  used  to  remove  fine  scales  of  quartz  or 
flint  by  pressure  against  the  edge  of  the  implement  to  be  finished.  A  few 
wedges  of  antler  have  been  obtained  —  long,  and  often  showing  the  natural 
curve  of  the  horn.  The  edge  has  been  made  from  one  side  only,  after  the 
fashion  of  a  chisel.  A  curious  and,  as  far  as  I  know,  unique  implement  in 
this  region,  was  found  at  Dosoris,  near  Glen  Cove,  Long  Island.  A  prong 
had  been  cut  from  an  antler  and  squared  at  the  thick  end  which  was  divided 
from  the  rest  by  a  notch  having  a  flat-topped  projection.  On  this,  five 
parallel  lengthwise  grooves  had  been  cut.  The  implement  must  have  been 
a  stamp  or  marker  used  to  draw  parallel  lines  —  perhaps  on  pottery  and 
showed  excellent  workmanship. 

Cups  or  bowls  were  made  of  turtle  shell,  with  the  rim  cut  straight  and 
the  inside  scraped  smooth.  Fragments  of  these  are  common,  but  perfect 
specimens  are  seldom  seen.  At  Pelham  Bay  Park,  one  of  these  objects 
was  found,  having  a  double  row  of  small  perforations  crossing  it  diagonally 
—  for  what  purpose  it  is  impossible  to  say  —  it  may  perhaps  have  been 
used  as  a  rattle. 

Shell,  although  the  chief  component  of  the  deposits  marking  the  old 
village  sites  does  not  seem  to  have  figured  much  as  a  material  for  the  making 
of  implements.  A  few  shells  have  been  found  that  show  signs  of  use  as 
scrapers,  others  have  had  large,  round  holes  made  in  them  for  some  unknown 
reason.  Among  the  shells  so  perforated  are  those  of  the  oyster,  soft  clam, 
and  periwinkle  {Busycon  carica).  Shell  beads  are  sometimes  discovered 
merely  Olivella  or  Marginella  shells  as  a  rule,  with  holes  rubbed  in,  to 
facilitate  stringing.  Nothing  is  rarer  than  a  finished  wampum  bead,  al- 
though on  the  Iroquoian  sites  of  western  New  York  these  are  found  by  the 
tens  of  thousands,  unfinished  beads  occur,  however,  though  not  abundantly. 

Next  to  the  shells  themselves  and  the  split  animal  bones,  in  point  of 
quantity,  are  the  pieces  of  broken  pottery  —  the  countless  fragments  that 
are  scattered  throughout  most  shell  heaps  —  the  remains  of  the  cooking 
and  water  vessels  of  the  ancient  people.    Very  few  pots  have  survived  in 


174        Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


perfect  condition,  but  now  and  then  all  or  most  of  the  pieces  of  a  vessel  are 
discovered  in  a  pit  where  it  has  been  crushed  by  the  weight  of  the  earth. 
Then  the  fragments  may  be  fitted  and  glued  together  and  a  complete  jar 
is  the  result. 

For  convenience  sake,  I  divide  the  ancient  vessels  found  about  New  York 
City  into  two  classes  —  Algonkin  and  Iroquois.  The  Algonkin  pot  is  more 
or  less  pointed  on  the  bottom,  and  there  is  no  raised  rim  or  constricted  neck. 
The  decoration  on  this  style  of  ware  is  often  composed  of  impressions  of 
twigs  wrapped  with  cord,  but  parallel  lines  and  chevrons  drawn  with  a 
sharp  point  are  not  uncommon.  Any  attempt  at  the  human  face  on  these 
vessels  is  rare,  but  a  few  have  been  found.  The  ware  is  usually  coarse. 
The  Iroquois  pot,  on  the  other  hand,  has  a  round  bottom,  with  a  much 
constricted  neck  and  a  raised  rim,  often  rising  in  a  series  of  points.  The 
decoration  is  usually  confined  to  this  raised  rim,  and  the  angle  or  points 
frequently  show  elaboration  of  the  design  or  the  rude  conventional  repre- 
sentation of  the  human  face.  Patterns  composed  of  combinations  of  parallel 
lines  and  notches  prevail,  and  thin,  well  made  pottery  is  the  rule.  I  call 
this  style  "Iroquois"  because  such  pottery  is  abundant  on  eastern  Iroquois 
sites,  and  exists  in  Westchester  County,  where  intercourse  with  that  people 
was  probable;  while  it  is  not  so  common  on  the  neighboring  western  end  of 
Long  Island  and  becomes  more  and  more  rare  toward  the  eastern  end, 
where  Iroquoian  influence  was  less  strong,  as  is  the  case  on  Staten  Island, 
where  it  occurs  most  frequently  on  the  northern  end  which  was  most  open  to 
Iroquois  inroads,  in  the  early  days.  Among  the  thousands  of  potsherds 
found  by  the  Museum  expedition  to  Shinnecock  Hills  which  is  on  the  eastern 
end  of  Long  Island,  there  was  not  one  piece  of  the  Iroquois  type.  Near 
Trenton,  New  Jersey,  the  Iroquois  pottery  is  almost  unknown  and  the 
Algonkin  type  prevails.  I  do  not  claim  the  pottery  of  the  Iroquois  style 
found  near  New  York  City  was  made  by  that  people  but  that  it  shows  their 
influence. 

Both  varieties  are  usually  tempered  with  sand  or  pounded  shells  or  mica 
mixed  with  the  clay.  In  several  instances  pots  have  been  found  with  cracks 
on  both  sides  of  which  holes  had  been  bored  for  the  purpose  of  lacing  the 
fissure  together  and  preventing  further  spread.  Many  sherds  and  vessels 
bear  imprints  of  rude  fabric  and  cord  as  if  the  jar  had  been  modelled  in  a 
hole  with  the  cloth  as  protection  against  the  earth  or  as  if  the  pot  had  been 
patted  with  a  paddle  covered  with  cloth  or  cord.1  Bowls  and  very  small 
pots  are  rare.  One  of  the  latter  was  found  at  Pelham  Bay  Park,  split  in 
half,  lengthwise.  It  had  been  used  since  the  break  occurred,  for  the  broken 
edges  were  worn  smooth. 


1  See  Holmes,  Aboriginal  Pottery  of  Eastern  United  States,  20th  Annual  Report  of  the 
Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,  p.  73. 


1909.] 


Harrington,  Shell  Heaps. 


175 


Pipes  were  also  made  of  baked  clay  with  short  thick  stems  usually  set  at 
an  obtuse  angle  to  the  bowl  —  sometimes  on  the  same  plane  with  it.  The 
bowl  is  often  highly  decorated  in  the  same  fashion  as  the  pottery.  Such 
pipes  are  more  common  on  Long  Island  and  Staten  Island  than  in  West- 
chester County.  Stone  pipes  of  both  trumpet  and  platform,  or  monitor 
types,  occur. 

Among  the  animal  bones  found  are  those  of  the  elk,  deer,  black  bear, 
lynx,  wolf  ( ?),  dog,  beaver,  raccoon,  woodchuck,  skunk,  mink  and  squirrel. 
Wild  turkey  and  other  birds,  several  kinds  of  turtle,  the  snake,  the  crab, 
the  shark,  sturgeon  and  other  fish  were  also  represented.  These  were 
undoubtedly  the  creatures  whose  meat  and  skins  were  used  by  the  Indians. 
Shells  of  almost  every  species  common  to  these  waters  have  been  found,  and 
show  another  source  of  food  supply.  Vegetable  substances  from  the  shell 
heaps  include  nuts,  acorns,  calamus  roots,  and  corn,  all  preserved  by  charring. 
Charred  wood  is  frequent. 

In  the  upper  or  more  recent  layers  of  some  shell  heaps,  are  occasionally 
found  relics  showing  contact  with  the  Whites.  These  consist  mainly  of 
gun-flints  and  broken  white  clay  pipes  of  the  sort  traded  to  the  Indians  by 
the  early  settlers. 

The  nearest  shell  heap,  readily  accessible  to  New  Yorkers,  is  situated 
on  the  northern  extremity  of  Manhattan  Island  opposite  Spuyten  Duyvil 
Station  at  a  place  called  Cold  Spring.  This  has  been  badly  disturbed  by 
collectors  and  shows  its  original  form  in  a  few  places  only.  It  is  thought 
that  the  canoes  which  attacked  Hendrick  Hudson's  ship,  the  Half-Moon, 
came  from  this  village.  Many  of  the  specimens  in  the  Chenoweth  Collec- 
tion at  the  Museum  were  found  here. 

Ancient  encampments  were  plenty  in  what  is  now  Pelham  Bay  Park, 
and  shell  heaps  attesting,  the  fact  are  scattered  all  along  the  shores.  One 
of  these,  near  "  Jack's  Rock"  was  explored  for  the  Museum  in  1899.  The 
shell  heap  itself  yielded  little,  but  the  pits  near  by  and  on  the  adjoining 
knolls  contained  much  of  interest,  including  three  skeletons  and  a  quantity 
of  pottery,  together  with  many  bone  and  stone  implements.  These  knolls 
are  mentioned  by  R.  P.  Bolton  in  his  " History  of  Westchester  County"  as  a 
burial  place  of  the  Siwanoy  Indians  —  one  of  the  few  cases  in  which  "In- 
dian Cemetries"  have  proven  anything  but  the  burial  grounds  of  the  early 
White  settlers.    The  collection  found  here  is  now  at  the  Museum. 

The  street  car  line  from  Bartow  to  City  Island  passes  two  large  glacial 
boulders  on  a  knoll  just  south  of  the  road.  Beyond  this  knoll,  running 
down  to  the  salt  meadow,  lies  another  shell  heap  only  partly  explored. 
Here,  were  found  stone  and  bone  implements,  part  of  a  pot,  and  the  usual 
material. 


176        Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


One  of  the  deepest  and  oldest  shell  heaps  near  New  York  lies  within  the 
Greater  City,  at  Weir  Creek  Point,  Throgg's  Neck,  not  far  from  Westchester. 
In  the  lower  layers,  sometimes  thirty-eight  inches  below  the  surface,  were 
found  a  number  of  archaic-looking  arrow  points  mainly  of  the  "lozenge- 
shape"  type,  and  some  very  rude  pottery.  One  jar,  as  shown  by  the  frag- 
ments recovered,  must  have  had  a  flat  bottom  —  an  unusual  feature  in  this 
vicinity  where  the  ancient  vessels  generally  have  rounded  or  pointed  bottoms. 
Mr.  Ernest  Volk  discovered  at  Trenton,  New  Jersey,  a  portion  of  a  similar 
pot  under  circumstances  pointing  to  great  antiquity,  so  it  seems  probable 
that  this  form  is  an  old  one.  Implements  of  bone  and  antler,  a  native 
copper  bead,  and  rude  hammerstones,  anvils  and  net-sinkers,  were  found, 
many  of  them  heavily  encrusted  with  shell-lime.  Hearths  and  ash-beds 
were  frequent,  but  pits  were  rare.  In  fact,  no  typical  pits  were  found  here, 
the  nearest  being  on  the  grounds  of  the  Century  Golf  Club,  some  distance 
away,  where  there  were  several.  One  of  these  had  a  cyst  of  stones  near  its 
bottom,  containing  the  bones  of  two  young  dogs,  with  many  deer  bones 
and  sturgeon  scales  imbedded  in  coal-black  earth. 

Almost  directly  across  the  Sound  from  Pelham  Bay  Park  is  Port  Wash- 
ington, Long  Island.  There,  a  large  Indian  village  once  stood,  situated 
near  the  mouth  of  a  salt  creek,  one  mile  north  of  the  town  on  what  is  now  the 
property  of  the  Goodwin  Sand  Company.  As  might  be  expected,  there  is  a 
spring  near  by,  and  the  village  site  fronts  south,  a  very  good  situation  for  a 
settlement.  The  principal  shell  heap  is  roughly,  200  feet  in  diameter, 
though  only  about  one  foot  deep.  It  is  overlaid,  however,  by  another  foot 
of  soil  disturbed  by  plowing. 

Near  this  deposit  on  the  land  side  were  101  pits,  some  of  them  beneath 
the  shell  heap  itself.  Many  of  these  contained  interesting  relics  and  seven- 
teen of  them  human  skeletons.  Sometimes  three  infants,  an  infant  and  an 
adult,  or  two  adults  were  found  in  the  same  grave.  The  bodies  were  never 
laid  out  straight,  as  is  the  custom  to-day  but  were  usually  buried  on  the  side, 
with  knees  drawn  up  and  hands  near  the  face.  No  trace  of  any  boxes  or 
wrappings  were  found,  but  it  is  probable  that  the  corpses  were  bundled  in 
mats  or  skins.  The  skeletons  usually  lay  within  three  feet  of  the  surface 
and  seldom  were  any  relics  found  with  them.  One  child's  skeleton  had 
three  beads  of  "Olivella"  shells  near  its  neck;  another  had  been  buried 
just  above  a  large  dog,  whose  strained  position  suggested  burial  alive.  An 
adult  skeleton  lay  on  a  bed  of  shells,  below  which  were  found  the  bones  of 
a  young  dog  with  an  arrow  point  among  the  ribs,  as  if  the  animal  had  been 
shot  to  accompany  its  master  on  "the  long  journey."  A  fire  had  evidently 
been  kindled  on  this  grave,  for  there  was  a  small  ash-bed  near  the  surface. 
Similar  ash-beds  were  found  on  other  graves.    The  upper  skeleton  of  one 


1909.] 


Harrington,  Shell  Heaps. 


177 


double  burial  lay  in  good  order  with  the  bones  in  their  natural  position, 
while  the  lower  was  completely  disarticulated  and  the  bones  mixed,  one  of 
the  ribs  was  even  within  the  skull.  No  feasible  explanation  of  this  has  been 
offered  and  probably  never  will  be.  One  cannot  help  wishing  that  those 
bones  could  speak  and  tell  their  story.  War  and  violence  existed  then  as 
now,  for  one  skeleton  was  found  with  skull  crushed  as  if  by  a  blow,  while 
another  was  headless.  A  smashed  skull  found  in  a  pit  ten  feet  away  proba- 
bly belonged  to  the  latter.  Many  pits  had  ash-beds,  some  dog  skeletons 
and  some  charred  nuts  and  calamus  roots. 

A  large  number  of  stone  and  bone  implements  of  many  kinds  were 
obtained,  together  with  a  nearly  perfect  pottery  vessel  found  inverted  in  a 
pit,  several  incomplete  pots  and  a  vast  number  of  fragments.  Broken 
stems  of  terra  cotta  pipes  were  not  uncommon,  but  bowls  were  rare.  In  one 
case,  a  bowl  and  stem  were  found  which  could  be  fitted  together.  Among 
the  bowl  fragments  was  one  which  represented  a  human  head,  probably 
broken  from  the  front  of  the  pipe. 

There  were  pits  and  shells  scattered  about  the  vicinity  and  on  the  top  of 
a  neighboring  knoll,  where  they  had  been  exposed  by  digging  for  sand. 
Some  loose  adult  bones  rolling  down  the  bank  and  the  protruding  skeletons 
of  two  children  attracted  my  attention  to  the  place. 

There  are  many  shell  heaps  about  Oyster  Bay,  especially  in  Center 
Island  and  along  Millneck  Creek  toward  Bayville  and  Locust  Valley.  At 
Matinecock,  near  the  latter  town,  is  the  one  that  was  explored  for  the  Mu- 
seum. This  fronted  eastward  on  a  little  swampy  brook  flowing  into  the 
Peter's  Creek  branch  of  Millneck  Creek.  The  deposit  was  rather  large 
but  seldom  more  than  eighteen  inches  deep;  and  pits  were  not  numerous, 
neither  did  they  generally  contain  much  of  interest.  The  only  human  bone 
found  was  a  small  piece  of  skull.  Many  of  the  usual  stone  and  bone  im- 
plements and  ornaments  were  secured  however,  including  a  grooved  axe 
and  a  perforated  gorget.  Pottery  was  abundant,  but  no  whole  vessels  were 
found. 

Beneath  some  grand  old  trees  that  must  have  been  standing  in  Indian 
days  was  found  another  shell  heap,  on  Mr.  James  G.  Price's  place  at  Dosoris 
Pond,  near  Glen  Cove.  This  attained  the  depth  of  41  inches,  showing  that 
the  Indian  wigwam  had  stood  in  the  little  hollow  beside  the  brook,  many 
years,  probably  generations.  For  many  years  the  Prices  had  in  their  pos- 
session the  Indian  deed  to  their  property,  signed  by  the  marks  of  its  former 
aboriginal  owners.  On  the  hill  behind  the  main  shell  heap  is  located  a 
smaller  one,  and  here  many  human  bones  were  found  —  parts  of  several 
skeletons.  The  most  important  relics  discovered  in  the  main  shell  heap, 
were  the  unusual  antler  implement  with  parallel  grooves  probably  used  by 


178        Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 

the  Indian  potter  to  draw  decorations  on  her"  vessels,  and  a  series  of  cores  of 
columellae  of  the  periwinkle  shell  {Busycon  carica  and  canaliculatum) 
showing  the  different  steps  in  the  manufactures  of  white  wampum,  from 
the  almost  unworked  shells  to  the  ground  and  smoothed  cylinders  partly 
cut  in  lengths  suitable  for  beads.  A  number  of  these  were  found  bunched 
together  with  a  white  quartz  flake  and  a  small  bone  awl,  as  if  they  had  been 
in  a  bag.    Quantities  of  the  usual  relics  were  found. 

Shell  heaps,  while  abundant  along  the  seacoast  are  seldom  found  inland 
except  on  salt  creeks  or  other  streams  having  access  to  salt  water.  They 
may  be  seen  all  along  the  east  shore  of  the  Hudson  River  at  more  or  less 
frequent  intervals  up  as  far  as  Peekskill,  and  on  Croton  Point  and  between 


Fig.  29.  Map.  Giving  the  Locations  of  Shell  Deposits.  Those  marked  +  have  been  explored 
by  the  writer. 

Nyack  and  Hook  Mountain  on  the  west  shore  they  attain  considerable  size. 
There  are  a  few  small  deposits,  however,  composed  mainly  of  brook  clams 
(Unio)  situated  on  fresh  water  lakes  in  the  interior  of  Westchester  County. 
One  of  these,  near  "White  Plains,  on  the  north  shore  of  Little  Rye  Pond  was 
examined  for  the  Museum.    The  shells  were  much  decayed  and  averaged 


1909.] 


Harrington,  Shell  Heaps. 


179 


about  one  foot  deep.  Two  pits  of  the  common  sort  were  formed,  one  con- 
taining a  raccoon  skeleton  and  the  other  beaver  bones  and  pottery  fragments. 
In  the  shell  layer  were  animal  bones,  broken  pottery  and  bone  implements, 
scattered  stone  implements  and  a  few  marine  shells.  It  looks  as  if  two  or 
three  lodges  had  stood  here  for  a  long  time  in  the  days  when  beaver  and  deer 
were  plenty.  Several  somewhat  similar  camping  places  have  been  found 
about  this  lake  and  the  adjoining  Big  Rye  Pond,  but  shells  were  not  so 
plentiful  in  these  —  not  enough  to  call  them  shell  heaps. 

There  are  many  shell  heaps  on  Staten  Island  and  these  are  described  at 
length  in  another  part  of  this  volume.  Shell  heaps  occur  or  did  occur  on 
Constable  Hook,  New  Jersey,  and  at  intervals  between  there  and  Jersey 
City  along  the  western  shore  of  New  York  Bay. 

The  foregoing  discussion  is  based  mainly  upon  the  Museum  explorations 
of  the  writer  in  Long  Island  and  Westchester  County.  The  shell  deposits 
actually  excavated  are  indicated  on  the  map,  together  with  the  locations  of 
all  other  deposits  so  far  noted  by  us  (Fig.  29).  This  map  is  no  doubt  far 
from  complete. 


NOTES  ON  THE  MOHEGAN  AND  NIANTIC  INDIANS. 

F.  Q.  SPECK. 


Introduction. 


The  following  ethnologic  notes  refer  to  two  tribes  of  the  eastern  branch 
of  the  Algonkin  linguistic  stock  residing  in  Connecticut,  east  of  the  Hudson 
River.  These  tribes  with  others  of  the  Atlantic  coast,  region  were  among 
the  first  to  come  into  contact  with  European  settlers,  almost  three  hundred 
years  ago.  Unfortunately,  nothing  systematic  or  thorough  regarding  native 
life  was  recorded  by  the  early  colonists,  so  we  have  little  chance  of  ever 
constructing  a  detailed  account  of  it  in  Connecticut  and  Massachusetts. 
It  is  also  to  be  expected  that,  by  the  present  time,  the  elements  of  their  own 
culture  have  been  almost  entirely  forgotten  by  the  modern  mixed  blood 
Indians  themselves.  It  will  therefore  be  seen  that  the  whole  cultural  struc- 
ture of  the  southern  New  England  tribes  has  now  been  lost,  only  a  few  arti- 
facts, practices  and  folk-beliefs  remaining  here  and  there. 

An  acquaintance  with  the  Indians  of  New  London  County,  Connecticut, 
covering  about  six  years,  gave  the  writer  the  opportunity  for  questioning 
nearly  every  Mohegan.  As  practically  nothing  more  can  be  expected  to 
turn  up  from  these  sources,  most  of  the  older  people  having  died,  it  seems 
best  to  place  the  material  where  it  will  be  available.  Mrs.  Fidelia  Fielding, 
who  died  in  1908,  at  about  80  years  of  age,  was  the  chief  source  of  informa- 
tion at  Mohegan.  She  was  also  the  last  to  retain  knowledge  of  the 
Mohegan  language.1  From  time  to  time,  quite  a  little  has  been  published 
regarding  the  history  of  the  southern  New  England  tribes,  particularly 
the  Mohegan  and  Pequot,  and  some  ethnological  points  could  perhaps  be 
extracted  from  the  colonial  historical  documents;  but  no  attempt  has  been 
made  to  do  this  in  preparing  the  present  paper.2 


1  Information  of  a  general  character  relating  to  this  tribe  can  be  found  in  the  "Handbook 
of  American  Indians,"  under  the  tribal  name,  and  a  historical  sketch  is  contained  in  De  Forest's 
"History  of  the  Indians  of  Connecticut." 

2  The  following  short  papers  relating  to  New  England  linguistics  in  which  the  writer  col- 
laborated with  Professor  J.  D.  Prince,  and  some  fragments  of  Mohegan  myths  have  already  been 
published: 

(a)  The  Modern  Pequots  and  their  Language.    J.  D.  Prince  and  F.  G.  Speck.  American 
Anthropologist,  Volume  5,  Number  2  (1903). 

(b)  Glossary  of  the  Mohegan-Pequot  Language,  J.  D.  Prince  and  F.  G.  Speck.  American 
Anthropologist,  Volume  6,  Number  1  (1904). 

(c)  A  Modern  Mohegan-Pequot  Text,  F.  G.  Speck.    American  Anthropologist,  Volume 
6,  Number  4  (1904). 

(d)  Dying  American  Speech-Echoes  from  Connecticut,  J.  D.  Prince  and  F.  G.  Speck. 
Proceedings,  American  Philosophical  Society,  Volume  XLII,  Number  174  (1904). 

(e)  A  Mohegan-Pequot  Witchcraft  Tale,  F.  G.  Speck.    Journal,  American  Folk-Lore, 
Volume  XVI,  Number  61  (1903). 

(f)  The  Name  Chahnameed,  J.  D.  Prince.  Ibid. 

(g)  Some  Mohegan-Pequot  Legends,  F.  G.  Speck.    Journal,  American  Folk-Lore,  Volume 
XVII  (1904). 

183 


184 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


The  Mohegan  Indians. 

The  Indians  with  whom  this  paper  is  chiefly  concerned  call  themselves 
Mohiksinag,  from  the  tribal  term  Mohi'ks,  'wolf,'  compounded  with  I'nag, 
'men/  and  Mahiganl'ak.  The  latter  term  has  received  various  interpreta- 
tions at  different  hands.1  Before  presenting  the  tribe  further,  the  relation- 
ship between  this  people  and  the  neighboring  Pequot  should  be  briefly 
mentioned.  The  two  tribes  were  linguistically  identical,  so  that,  in  speaking 
of  their  language,  the  term  Mohegan-Pequot  has  been  preferred.  It  is 
rather  difficult  to  determine  just  what  the  ethnical  relations  between  the  two 
tribes  were.  Previous  to  about  1640  the  Mohegan  had  no  separate  tribal 
identity;  for  it  was  not  until  Uncas,  the  son-in-law  of  a  Pequot  chief,  or- 
ganized a  band  of  renegades  and  founded  the  tribe  that  the  name  appeared 
in  local  history.  It  is  fairly  certain,  however,  despite  the  lack  of  historical 
proof,  that  the  Mohegan  and  Pequot,  if  not  a  single  people,  were,  before 
1640,  two  very  closely  related  tribes  who  invaded  the  territory  where  we 
find  them,  coming  from  the  north.  The  likelihood,  too,  is  that  they  were  a 
part  of  the  Mahican  of  the  upper  Hudson  River.  Mrs.  Fielding  stated  that 
there  was  a  recognized  tradition  among  the  old  people  that  the  tribe  originally 
came  from  the  north  where  there  were  lakes  and  where  their  neighbors  were 
the  Mohawk.2  This  knowledge  of  the  Mohawk  and  the  ancient  fear  in 
which  the  latter  were  held,  is  still  a  live  sentiment  at  the  Mohegan  village. 
After  the  rupture  between  the  Mohegan  and  Pequot,  the  tribal  affiliations 
became  entirely  separate.  They  became  and  remained  enemies,  the  Pequot 
alter  their  destruction  by  the  English  being  given  as  slaves  to  the  Mohegan. 
The  unfriendly  feeling  is  still  retained  between  the  latter  and  the  few  mixed 
bloods  who  represent  the  last  of  the  Pequot  at  Ledyard,  only  a  few  miles 
away  across  the  Thames.3  The  Pequot  held  the  shores  of  Long  Island  Sound 
about  the  mouth  of  the  Thames,  while  the  Mohegan  moved  up  the  river  to 
w  here  we  find  them. 


1  Cf.  Handbook  of  American  Indians. 

2  If  the  ideas  of  the  Indians  are  to  be  considered  as  at  all  correct,  it  would  seem  that  the 
Mohegan,  when  they  left  their  old  seats,  removed  themselves  from  old  influences,  adapting  them- 
selves to  new  conditions  in  their  migrations.  The  line  of  dialectic  demarkation  being  somewhere 
between  the  Housatonic  and  the  Connecticut  River,  the  tribes  west  of  the  Mohegan,  including 
the  so-called  Manhattans  and  their  neighbors,  as  evidenced  by  a  Scaticook  vocabulary,  had  closer 
affinities  with  the  Delaware,  while  those  east  of  the  Connecticut  should  be  grouped  more  properly 
with  the  Narragansett  and  Massachusetts. 

3  In  1903,  a  visit  was  made  to  the  Pequot  remnants  at  Groton  and  Ledyard,  Connecticut, 
where  there  are  two  so-called  reservations.  About  twenty-five  individuals  were  seen,  all  more 
or  less  of  mixed  negro  blood,  but  inquiry  in  every  direction  elicited  absolutely  nothing  of  ethno- 
logic or  linguistic  value.  The  mixed  bloods  are  thinly  scattered  over  the  district  inland  from 
Stonington,  seemingly  most  numerous  near  Lantern  Hill  where  they  engage  in  wood-cutting, 
fishing  and  small  farming.  Some  Narragansett  from  Rhode  Island,  likewise  with  negro  admix- 
ture, are  intermarried  with  them. 


1909.] 


Speck,  The  Mohegan  Indians. 


185 


East  of  both  tribes,  their  neighbors  were  the  Narragansett  and  Eastern 
Niantie,  with  whom  they  were  intermittently  hostile.  Their  northern 
neighbors  were  the  Nipmuk,  about  whom  nothing  is  remembered.1 

The  tribe  and  village  of  Mohegan  was  located  on  the  western  shore  of 
the  Thames  River,  in  what  is  now  New  London  County,  Connecticut.  The 
tribal  hunting  territory  included  this  valley  and  its  tributary  streams  the 
Yantic  and  Quinnebaug,  but  did  not  extend  quite  as  far  south  as  Long 
Island  Sound.  The  main  settlement  of  the  Mohegan  was  on  the  western 
shore  of  the  Thames,  extending  from  Trading  Cove,  just  south  of  the  city 
of  Norwich,  to  Massapeag,  covering  a  linear  distance  of  about  six  or  seven 
miles.  This  tract  is  known  as  Mohegan  which  was  the  name  of  the  old 
Indian  settlement,  and  here  the  descendants  of  the  tribe  still  survive. 

The  Mohegan,  from  the  time  of  their  founding,  were  never  very  numer- 
ous. The  highest  estimate,  referring  to  this  tribe  alone,  gives  them  a  popu- 
lation of  seven  hundred  and  fifty  in  1705.  In  1774,  they  numbered  two 
hundred  and  six;  and  by  1804,  only  eighty-four  were  left  at  Mohegan.  In 
the  meantime,  many  had  emigrated  to  the  Iroquois,  in  company  with  other 
Connecticut  Indians,  and  formed  the  nucleus  of  a  new  band,  the  Brotherton 
Indians.  Their  descendants  are  still  living  in  Wisconsin  with  the  Stock- 
bridge.  It  seems  likely  that  much  additional  ethnological  material  could 
be  secured  from  the  western  band  as  the  language  is  still  spoken  there. 
In  1832,  the  enumeration  at  Mohegan  gave  a  total  of  three  hundred  and 
fifty.  At  the  present  day  (1908),  they  number  about  a  hundred.  None 
are  of  pure  Indian  blood,  and  some  of  the  families  have  imbibed  a  negro 
strain.  The  Indian  family  names  of  Hoscutt, .  Hoscoat,  Tantaquidgeon 
and  Skeesucks  are  still  represented. 

Local  Traditions.  A  few  details  of  locality  and  local  legends  are  re- 
membered. The  Indian  village  was  a  rather  scattered  settlement  with 
several  "forts"  or  stockades  for  refuge.  Although  the  details  of  these 
stockades  have  been  forgotten,  some  of  their  locations  can  be  pointed  out. 


1  I  have  used  the  following  characters  to  represent  the  sound  in  writing  Mohegan  words. 
Consonants  are  generally  like  the  English,  owing  perhaps  to  the  loss  of  a  distinct  Indian  pro- 
nunciation. However,  tc  is  like  English  ch  in  church,  and  c  is  like  sh.  The  vowels  a,  I,  6,  u 
have  their  continental  values  and  are  long;  a,  i,  o,  u  are  short;  a  is  like  a  in  the  English  word 
fall;  a  is  obscure  like  u  in  sun.  The  semi- vowels  are  h,  w,  y.  Accent  is  denoted  by  '  and  vowel 
aspiration  by  '.    Diphthongs  are  au,  oi  and  ai. 

A  few  brief  phonetic  comparisons  may  help  to  define  the  position  of  Mohegan-Pequot  among 
the  eastern  Algonkin  dialects.  Professor  Prince  has  given  these  with  examples  in  a  previous 
paper  (Ref.  (b),  p.  19.).  Mohegan  shows  a  strong  tendency  toward  medialization  in  replacing 
many  surd  consonants  (p,  t,  k,  s)  in  neighboring  dialects  with  corresponding  sonants.  The  s, 
when  not  sonantized,  frequently  appears  as  c  in  Mohegan.  Where,  in  other  dialects  1,  r,  and  n 
appear  between  vowels,  Mohegan-Pequot  elides  them,  and  the  vowels  combine  in  a  diphthong, 
or  replaces  them  with  y.  There  is,  furthermore,  evidence  of  the  mingling  of  several  dialects 
at  Mohegan  which  is  a  very  natural  thing  considering  the  heterogeneous  elements  in  the  tribe. 


186        Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.   [Vol.  Ill, 


One  of  them  was  on  the  summit  of  a  rise  known  as  Fort  Hill,  just  west  of 
the  main  road  between  Norwich  and  New  London,  opposite  the  Mohegan 
church.  Another,  was  on  Uncas's  Hill  on  Olin  Browning's  farm  between 
the  river  and  the  main  road.  Uncas  is  said  to  have  maintained  a  sort  of 
garrison  of  young  men  here,  training  them  in  maneuvers,  after  the  fashion 
of  the  English.  The  third  and  probably  the  most  important  site  was  at 
Shantic  Point  where  the  present  Mohegan  burying  ground  is  situated. 
Shantic  Point  is  a  point  of  vantage  commanding  an  excellent  outlook  up 
and  down  the  river  and  naturally  protected  by  bluffs  on  the  water  side; 
an  admirable  location  for  defensive  works.  This  is  where  the  Narragansett 
attacked  the  Mohegan  in  the  wars  of  1645. 1  A  legendary  account  of  this 
engagement  is  still  related  at  Mohegan  and  will  be  given  later.  Archaeo- 
logically,  this  site  appears  to  be  quite  rich.  It  contains  a  shell  heap,  and  the 
usual  surface  finds  are  abundant.  A  rubble  monument  commemorating 
the  Indian  battle  has  been  erected  on  it.  A  little  further  up  the  river, 
overlooking  it,  is  a  natural  chair-like  rock,  called  Uncas's  chair.  Here,  he 
is  said  to  have  sat  while  directing  a  canoe  battle  on  the  river,  between  the 
Mohegan  and  Narragansett.  As  the  native  population  was  never  very 
large,  the  settlements  of  the  tribe  did  not  extend  far  from  the  vicinity  of  the 
main  village,  but  a  few  of  the  outlying  hamlets  should  be  mentioned. 

A  short  distance  south  of  Shantic  Point  is  Muddy  Cove,  the  Indian  name 
for  which  was  Basagwanantaksfig  (derivative  from  basag,  mud).  Southwest 
from  this  cove  is  a  rocky  ledge  on  the  hillside,  at  the  foot  of  which  in  one  place 
there  is  a  reddish  discoloration  of  the  rock,  having  the  general  outline  of  a 
human  figure  sprawled  out.  It  is  called  Papoose  Rock  and  the  following 
tale  accounts  for  the  peculiarity,  according  to  Mrs.  Fielding. 

"There  was  a  Mohegan  who  went  across  to  Ixmg  Island  and  took  a 
wife  from  one  of  the  tribes  there.  After  some  time,  he  tired  of  her  and 
came  home.  Soon  after,  she  had  a  child.  She  said  to  herself,  'My  child's 
father  has  left  me  to  take  care  of  him.  I  cannot  do  it  alone.'  So  she  made 
ready  for  a  journey  and  set  out  for  the  Mohegan  country  across  the  Sound  to 
look  for  her  husband.  She  found  him  at  Mohegan  and  said  to  him,  4  You 
must  take  care  of  me  and  the  child.'  But  he  paid  no  attention  to  her. 
Then  she  went  down  to  where  there  was  a  steep  sloping  rock  not  far  from  the 
river.  Standing  on  the  top  of  this  slope,  she  took  her  child  in  one  hand  and 
grasped  its  head  witli  the  other.  Then  she  twisted  the  head  and  it  came  off, 
the  blood  flowing  down  the  rocks.  The  woman  cast  the  head  down,  and  the 
body  she  threw  farther  out.  Where  the  head  fell  there  remained  a  splotch  of 
blood,  and  where  the  body  struck,  there  was  left  an  imprint  stained  upon  the 


i  Cf.  De  Forest,  op.  cit.,  pp.  213,  215. 


1909.] 


Speck,  The  Mohegan  Indians. 


187 


rock  in  the  shape  of  the  child.  That  is  the  story.  The  blood  is  there  yet, 
and  it  tells  of  her  deed  when  she  has  gone." 

A  mile  or  so,  west  of  the  village  of  Mohegan,  near  Stony  Brook,  is  an 
immense  glacial  boulder,  known  as  Cutchegan  Rock.  What  appears  to  be 
a  partially  excavated  room  is  under  the  lower  side,  which  is  said  to  have  been 
occupied  quite  frequently  by  the  Indians.  The  last  man  to  live  there  was 
Caleb  Cutchegan,  after  whom  it  was  named.  On  the  top  of  this  boulder 
are  a  few  stones  said  to  be  the  remains  of  a  chair  in  which  the  presiding  chief 
sat  when  councils  were  being  held  in  the  woods. 

Near  Trading  Cove,  not  far  from  the  river,  is  a  valley  about  half  a  mile 
wide,  containing  not  much  else  but  sand.  Here,  it  was  related  by  Jimmie 
Rogers  that  a  tribe,  whose  name  has  been  forgotten,  came  and  camped. 
"It  was  not  such  a  place  as  it  is  now,  but  fertile  and  pleasant.  The  tribe 
was  on  friendly  relations  with  the  Mohegan,  but  before  long  some  disease 
came  among  them  and  killed  them  off  like  sheep.  Ever  since  that  time  this 
valley,  where  their  settlement  was,  has  never  grown  any  grass.  Their  bones 
are  often  unearthed." 

Material  Life.  The  details  of  the  original  type  of  house  have  been 
forgotten;  but,  until  several  generations  ago,  a  primitive  form  of  habitation 
was  in  vogue,  which  may  have  had  something  of  an  aboriginal  character. 
This  type  of  house  (jokwi'n)  was  a  partly  subterranean  affair.  The  excava- 
tion was  about  four  feet  deep  and  fifteen  or  twenty  feet  square.  The  sides 
were  shored  up  with  boards.  The  portion  above  ground  consisted  of  logs, 
and  the  roof  was  of  the  same  material.  Sods,  brush  and  other  protective 
matter  were  thrown  on  top  of  the  roof.  A  sloping  entrance  led  to  the  door 
(ckwand),  and  a  hole  in  the  back  of  the  roof  over  the  fire  (wlyu't)  allowed 
an  exit  to  smoke.  No  other  first  hand  details  are  forthcoming,  but  several 
of  these  cellar  sites  are  pointed  out  to-day  at  Mohegan.  Another  temporary 
camp  shelter,  which  still  survives  in  the  "wigwam"  of  the  modern  Mohegan 
church  festival,  consisted  of  upright  crotched  posts,  supporting  beams  for 
a  roof  of  birch  saplings  with  the  leaves  left  on.  Secondary  upright  poles 
serve  as  a  base  for  the  weaving  in  and  out  of  birch  saplings  to  enclose  the 
sides.  This  makes  a  very  pleasant  bower,  suitable  for  summer  camping, 
and  it  is  asserted  to  have  been  formerly  much  used  by  the  Indians,  for  tem- 
porary purposes.  The  accompanying  descriptions  are  based  on  specimens 
in  the  possession  of  Indians  and  private  collectors.1 


1  A  collection,  made  by  the  writer  some  years  ago,  is  now  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  George 
G.  Heye  of  New  York,  who  very  kindly  furnished  me  with  photographs  from  which  the  cuts 
were  made.  The  Slater  Memorial  Hall  of  Norwich,  Connecticut  has  several  specimens  in  its 
collection  from  the  Mohegan,  which  are  illustrated  in  an  article  by  Mr.  C.  C.  Willoughby  in  the 
American  Anthropologist,  Volume  10,  No.  3. 


188 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


There  were  several  types  of  wooden  mortars  made  to  be  used  with  a 
stone  pestle.  The  most  characteristic  of  these  is  the  polished  and  carved 
pepperidge-wood  mortar  (dakwang)  about  eighteen  inches  high  and  twelve 
across.  The  pit  of  the  mortar  was  hollowed  out  by  burning  to  the  depth  of 
at  least  six  inches.  The  walls  are  straight  some  distance  from  the  top, 
then  suddenly  taper  inward  and  come  out  again  forming  a  pedestal  at  the 
base.  In  three  places,  where  the  sides  converge  towards  the  bottom,  straight 
vertical  bars  are  left  by  the  carver  to  serve  as  handles  or  side  grips. 

Another  kind  of  mortar  is  less  elaborate,  being  simply  thinned  at  the  waist 
somewhat  after  the  fashion  of  an  hour-glass.  Still  another  was  common, 
this  was  of  the  plainest  sort  with  plain  sides  and  the  tree  bark  left  on.  The 
pestle  (gwansnag,  literally,  long  stone)  was  always  of  stone,  and  needed  to 
be,  as  they  say,  as  long  as  an  Indian's  fore  arm. 

Wooden  spoons  of  several  types  have  been  obtained.  The  native  soup 
ladel  (glyamman)  was  often  made  of  apple  wood,  the  handle  and  bowl 
together  being  about  twelve  inches  long.  The  bowls  of  these  ladles  are 
round,  straight-sided  and  flat-bottomed,  while  the  handle  is  almost  straight, 
with  a  "roll"  carved  at  the  end  (Fig.  4,  Plate  XXI).  A  smaller  spoon  of 
similar  form,  used  for  eating  johnny-cake,  is  six  inches  long  with  a  round 
shallow  bowl.  A  carved  spoon  was  seen,  about  eight  inches  long,  with  a 
leaf-shaped  shallow  bowl  and  some  animal-,  carved  on  the  end  of  the  handle, 
facing  outward.  Modern  spoons  are  made  for  commercial  purposes,  with 
bowls  probably  patterned  after  metal  spoons.  Some  fairly  old  and  mneh- 
used  specimens,  similar  to  these,  however,  have  been  seen  and  possibly 
something  similar  to  this  type  may  also  have  been  native. 

Wooden  bowls  (biyotl)  made  of  pepperidge  knots  were  formerly  used  as 
food  trenchers.  They  were  frequently  inlaid  with  bits  of  mother-of-pearl, 
from  fresh-water  mussels,  and  wampum,  in  fantastic  designs  representing, 
as  is  remembered,  the  human  face.  The  rims  of  these  bowls  were  also 
elevated  on  the  ends  and  carved  with  animals'  heads,  one  on  each  opposite 
side  looking  toward  the  bottom  of  the  bowl.1 

Several  varieties  of  knife  (banm'dwang)  employed  in  the  manufacture  of 
these  wooden  objects,  deserve  mention.  In  one,  the  blade  is  in  the  same 
plane  as  the  wooden  handle  and  curves  in  almost  a  half  circle.  This  knife 
(Plate  XXI,  Fig.  3)  is  used  in  carving  spoons  and  bowls,  and  is  drawn  toward 
the  operator.  In  another  type  of  knife,  from  the  Scaticook  Indians  of  Litch- 
field County,  the  blade  curves  around  through  several  inches  and  its  cutting 
edge  is  in  a  plane  perpendicular  to  that  of  the  wooden  handle  (Plate  XXI, 


1  In  a  recent  article,  American  Anthropologist,  Volume  10,  No.  3,  pp.  423-434,  Mr.  C.  C. 
Willoughby  figures  and  describes  five  Mohegan  wooden  bowls. 


1909.] 


Speck,  The  Mohegan  Indians. 


189 


Fig.  2).  This  knife  was  used  in  hollowing  out  bowls  and  canoes.  In  both 
specimens,  the  blade  is  simply  set  in  the  end  of  a  wooden  handle.  The 
canoes  used  by  the  Mohegan  were  dug-outs,  but  no  details  of  construction 
are  remembered. 

A  smoking  pipe  (tammank)  is  made  from  the  knotty  excrescences  which 
grow  on  chestnut  trees.  These  bowls  are  barrel-shaped  with  a  hole  near  the 
bottom  for  a  hollow  reed  stem.  Fanciful  relief  carvings  of  the  human  face 
usually  adorn  the  front  of  the  bowl,  in  other  parts  of  which  realistic  figures, 
probably  modern  in  origin,  are  scratched. 

Brooms  and  smaller  scrubbing  brushes  were  made  of  birch  sticks.  They 
varied  much  in  size,  according  to  their  intended  use.  In  making  them,  the 
end  of  the  stick  was  frayed  and  strips  of  the  fibre  split  down,  then  turned 
backwards,  gathered  in  a  bunch,  and  bound  together  with  cord. 

The  manufacture  of  several  types  of  baskets  (manu'dac,  inanimate  plural 
of  manu'da),  is  still  carried  on  at  Mohegan.  The  material  used  is  hickory 
splints.  Swamp  maple  was  formerly  much  used.  Four  foot  logs  are 
hammered  until  the  grain  separates,  then  strips  are  pulled  off.  These  are 
shaved  with  a  spoke  shave  until  they  are  smooth.  For  making  smaller 
splints,  a  gauge  of  wood  set  with  knife  blades  for  teeth  was  and  still  is  used. 
A  specimen  from  the  Scaticook  Indians  of  Litchfield  County,  Connecticut, 
is  figured  (Plate  XXI,  Fig.  1).  In  working  with  the  knives  and  shaves,  a 
piece  of  leather  is  tied  over  the  knee  as  a  protection.  The  modern  splint 
baskets  for  commerce  are  of  various  shapes  and  sizes.  They  are  started 
at  the  bottom  with  the  checker-work  pattern,  the  bottom  splints  are  then 
turned  up  to  form  the  standards  for  the  woof  filling.  A  thin  splint  runs 
around  the  edge  of  the  bottom  and  is  the  binder,  called  (bambaig).  The 
walls  of  the  basket  are  then  filled  in  with  thinner  strips.  The  rim  is  bound 
around  with  an  inner  and  an  outer  hoop,  every  alternate  upright  end  being 
bent  down  over  the  highest  strand  of  the  woof.  Most  of  the  baskets  are 
given  handles.  This  type  of  basket  is  very  common  everywhere,  nearly  all 
the  mixed  blood  Indians  in  New  England  putting  them  out  wherever  there 
is  a  demand. 

Another  kind  of  basket,  called  the  melon  basket,  is  made  occasionally. 
Several  very  old  specimens  of  this  type  have  been  collected  (Plate  XXI,  Fig. 
5).  In  this,  the  handle  runs  right  around  through  the  bottom  of  the  bas- 
ket and  another  hoop  is  fastened  at  right  angles  to  it.  The  lower  section 
is  then  filled  in  with  short  horizontal  warp  strips  and  fine  splints  are  woven 
over  and  under  them,  until  the  lower  half  is  enclosed.  These  baskets  are 
said  to  be  rather  difficult  to  make. 

Bows  consisted  of  a  simple  stave  of  hickory,  sassafras  or  tulip.  Some 
specimens  show  a  double  curve.    This  is  given  by  steaming  the  stave  until 


190         Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


it  bends  easily,  and  fastening  it,  with  the  desired  curves,  on  a  board  by  means 
of  nails.    The  bows  range  from  three  to  four  feet  in  length  with  about  an 

inch  of  breadth  and  half  an  inch  of  thickness  in  the 
middle.  In  section,  the  stave  is  rounded  on  the  outer 
side  and  flat  on  the  inner  (Fig.  31).  The  ends  are 
usually  notched  at  both  sides,  to  afford  a  purchase  to 
the  bow-string.  The  only  arrows  known,  are  the  blunt- 
headed  bolts,  and  they  exhibit  considerable  variety  in 
shape  and  weight.  The  feathering  on  these  arrows  is 
rather  peculiar.  Two  holes  are  drilled  through  the 
shaft  near  the  nock  and  the  ends  of  twTo  feathers, 
shaved  on  one  side,  are  inserted  in  the  holes  and  held 
fast  by  wooden  plugs  (Fig.  32).  Sometimes  a  single 
feather,  shaved  as  usual,  is  pushed  through  one  of  the 
holes,  bent  into  the  other  hole  and  plugged  there. 
Ownership  or  identification  marks  on  the  arrows  con- 
sist  of  series  of  notches  on  one  or  both  sides  of  the  shaft 
near  the  notch.  Anywhere  from  two  to  six  notches  are 
common.  The  common  arrow  release  is  that  known  as 
the  primary,  where  the  nock  is  grasped  between  the 
thumb  and  the  forefinger  joint. 

The  cultivation  of  corn  and  beans  wras  an  important 
activity  in  the  life  of  these  Indians,  and  these  vegetables 
played  quite  an  important  part  in  their  dietary.  The 
following  are  the  native  ways  of  preparing  them.  Corn 
(wiwatc&man),  to  be  boiled  was  left  on  the  ear  and 
placed  in  a  vessel  of  cold  water  over  the  fire  until  it  began 
to  boil.  The  moment  boiling  com- 
menced, it  was  taken  off  and  eaten. 
This  kept  it  very  tender. 
Beans  (mackazits)  of  a  brownish  variety,  were  boiled 
in  water  with  lumps  of  fat.  An  excellent  dish  (su'ktac, 
succotash)  was  concocted  of  corn  and  beans.  The  beans 
wrere  first  put  on  to  boil  for  two  hours  with  a  lump  of 
fat,  nowadays  pork.  The  green  corn  was  then  scraped 
from  the  cob  and  added  to  the  beans,  the  cobs  being 
put  in,  too,  to  add  their  milk  to  the  whole.  It  was  then 
allowed  to  boil  onlv  twentv  minutes.  With  the  addition 
of  a  little  seasoning,  this  succotash  is  delicious.  It  is 
still  made  in  quantities  by  the  Indians. 

A  kind  of  dough  was  made  of  corn  flour  and  baked  in  round  biscuits 


Fig 
Bow. 


Mohegan 


Fig.  31.  Cross  Sec- 
tion of  a  Bow. 


1909.] 


Speck,  The  Mohegan  Indians. 


191 


(takanig,  literally,  rounded).  The  chief  use  for  the  corn  crop,  however, 
was  to  dry  it  on  the  cob  and  store  it  away  to  be  used  later.  When  occasion 
required,  the  dried  kernels  were  scraped  from  the  cob  and  browned  in  a  pan 
over  the  fire.  When  they  are  browned  enough,  they  are  placed  in  the  mortar 
and  pounded  to  powder.  This  corn  flour  (yokeg)  was  a  Mohegan  staple. 
It  could  be  eaten  clear,  mixed  with  water  or  made  into  bread.  For  journeys 
it  was  stowed  away  in  a  pouch  and  the  traveler  either  ate  it  dry  or  mixed  with 
water.  Quantities  of  the  stuff  are  prepared  nowadays  for  use  and  for  sale 
to  the  Whites  who  think  it  goes  well  with  ice  cream. 

Meat  (wf us)  was  commonly  roasted.  A  kind  of  stew  (wi'usiboig)  was, 
and  is,  made  of  boiled  meat.  Fish  (pl'amag)  were  commonly  fried  or  roasted 
on  a  scaffold  of  green  saplings  over  the  coals  of  a  fire. 

Skunk  hunting  was  a  much  favored  and  profitable  amusement  at  Mohe- 
gan. The  men,  armed  with  clubs,  were  accompanied  by  dogs  who  drove 
the  skunk  (ckanks)  to 
stand  at  bay  in  some 
nook  or  other.  Then 
the  band  ran  in  and 
clubbed  the  skunk  to 
death.  The  meat  was, 
and  is,  considered  very 
palatable  after  it  has 
been  hung  for  four  or 
five  days  in  some  damp 
place.  In  regard  to  the 
skunk  hunting,  Jimmie  Rogers  remembers,  when  a  boy,  how  he  went  with 
the  men  on  his  first  hunt.  The  dogs  drove  the  animal  into  a  clump  of 
brush.  Rogers  was  then  told  to  go  in  and  find  the  skunk.  He  crawled  in 
on  his  hands  and  knees,  and  received  the  full  discharge  of  the  animal  in  his 
eyes.  The  effect,  he  states,  lasted  for  days.  They  thought  it  a  great  joke 
on  the  boy. 

Clothing  and  Ornaments.  The  only  articles  of  clothing  and  ornament  of 
which  the  Indians  preserve  any  knowledge,  are  women's  leggings;  men's 
leggings  (gu'ngu,  inanimate  plural,  gu'ngawantc) ;  the  woman's  dress 
(bl'tkaz);  the  hunting,  or  shot  pouch,  and  carrying  bag,  (bagenud);  the 
moccasin  (makas,  plural,  makasantc) ;  and  silver  brooches  which  were  used 
to  ornament  clothing. 

An  old  pair  of  women's  leggings  of  cloth  were  long  enough  to  reach  half 
way  up  to  the  knee.  They  were  of  black  cloth  and  had  open  beadwork 
on  the  border.  At  the  corners,  were  flower  designs  in  bead  embroidery. 
The  flaps  were  several  inches  wide,  and  occurred  either  at  the  front  or  side. 


Fig.  32.    Heads  and  Feathering  of  Mohegan  Arrows. 


192         Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


An  old  pair  of  Mohegan  moccasins  were  of  dark  tanned  buckskin  with  the 
seam  running  up  the  instep  covered  with  porcupine  quill  embroidery  show- 
ing the  interlocked  zigzag  technique  with  straight  and  curved  line  border. 
The  lapels  are  of  cloth  heavily  beaded. 

All  that  is  remembered  of  the  other  articles  of  clothing  is  that  they  were 
of  buckskin,  that  the  men's  leggings  covered  their  thighs,  and  that  women 
had  shell  fringes  and  ornaments  on  their  dresses. 

A  specimen  of  hunting  pouch  with  a  woven  bead  front  and  homespun 
cloth  back  is  represented  in  Plate  xxi.  This  object  is  of  an  old  type. 
The  colors  employed  are  dark  green,  white,  black  and  yellow  arranged 
in  a  geometrical  design,  for  which,  unfortunately,  no  interpretation  was 
remembered. 

Lester  Skeesucks,  a  Xarragansett-Mohegan  from  Brotherton,  Wisconsin, 
returned  to  Mohegan,  and  died  there  some  years  ago.  He  spoke  the  lan- 
guage and  owned  a  complete  costume,  which,  although  of  comparatively 
modern  make,  undoubtedly  represented,  to  a  certain  extent,  an  early  New 
England  Indian  get-up.  He  is  represented  in  Plate  xxn,  standing  before 
a  brush  wigwam  of  the  sort  already  described.  His  headdress  consisted  of 
long,  upright  plumes,  mounted  on  a  head  band  decorated  with  beads.  On 
this  and  on  all  other  articles  of  his  costume,  the  beadwork  embroidery 
represented  leaves,  flowers,  birds,  stars,  circles  and  flags.  Over  a  colored 
shirt,  he  wore  a  heavily  decorated,  halter-like  collar,  beaded  arm-bands 
and  wrist-bands.  A  similarly  ornamented  belt  and  carrying  pouch  sus- 
pended on  a  broad  shoulder  strap  completed  his  upper  articles.  An  elabo- 
rately decorated  kilt,  reaching  half  way  to  the  knees,  was  a  characteristic 
piece.  Leggings  with  beaded  garters,  bead  necklaces,  medals  and  a  sheath 
knife  completed  his  costume.  Other  individuals  at  Mohegan  had  portions 
of  dress  similar  to  those  described. 

Several  silver  brooches  were  seen.  Some  were  wheel-shaped  with  a 
pivot  pin  in  the  center.  The  wheel-disk  was  said  to  represent  unbroken 
friendship.  The  outer  edge  of  the  disk  brooch  was  scalloped  and  a  series 
of  small  circles  was  inside  this.  The  circles  were  said  to  be  suns,  the  endless 
period  of  time  through  which  the  friendship  should  last.  The  brooches  were 
chiefly  used  as  ornaments,  and  badges  of  friendship  between  men,  and  were 
highly  prized.  The  brooches  were  evidently  made  with  chisels  and  hammers 
from  silver  which  was  pounded  out  in  the  cold  state.  Several  brooches  of 
the  intersecting  heart  type  so  common  among  the  Iroquois  were  seen. 
Skeesucks  had  modified  one  of  these  somewhat  to  enable  him  to  use  it  as 
a  nose  pendant.  Little  lumps  of  solder  had  been  fastened  to  opposite  points 
which  grasped  the  septum  of  the  nose. 

On  the  whole,  there  appears  a  significant  similarity  between  the  Mohegan 


1909.] 


Speck,  The  Mohegan  Indians. 


193 


silverwork  preserved  by  Lester  Skeesucks,  who,  it  should  be  remembered, 
was  born  at  Brotherton,  Wisconsin,  and  that  of  the  Iroquois.1  It  is  not  at 
all  unlikely,  that  still  closer  affinities  may  be  found  between  Brotherton 
Mohegan  and  Oneida  silverwork,  which  may  show  the  former  to  have  been 
borrowed  from  the  latter.  The  Mohegan  who  went  west  were  at  one  time 
adopted  by  the  Oneida. 

A  string  of  six  beads  of  the  old  type  of  wampum  were  seen  in  the  posses- 
sion of  an  Indian  woman.  They  were  slightly  over  one-eighth  inch  long  and 
one-eighth  inch  thick,  and  cut,  so  that  the  purple  was  grained  with  gray  and 
brown.    The  former  function  of  these  beads  was  not  known  by  anyone. 

Customs  and  Miscellaneous  Notes.  The  knowledge  of  their  native 
customs  possessed  by  these  Indians  is  lamentably  meager.  At  best,  only  a 
few  miscellaneous  fragmentary  facts  are  forthcoming  which  for  convenience 
will  be  given  under  this  heading. 

The  tribe  formerly  had  a  regular  head  chief  (sanjani).  After  the  advent 
of  Europeans,  the  power  of  this  office  was  much  increased.  For  many  years, 
the  descendants  of  Uncas  held  the  chieftancy,  applicants  for  the  office  claim- 
ing the  right,  some  through  maternal  some  through  paternal  descent,  but 
according  to  all  accounts,  the  paternal  claim  was  the  stronger.  This  form 
of  tribal  leadership  was  replaced  in  later  times  by  an  elective  chieftancy  and 
council  of  three,  which  represented  the  tribe  in  public  matters.  The  chief 
council  were  elected  by  the  people  for  a  term. 

The  list  of  Mohegan  clans  given  by  Morgan  2  are  grouped  under  three 
phratries  as  follows:  The  Wolf,  Bear,  Dog  and  Opossum  clans  form  the 
Wolf  phratry;  the  Little  Turtle,  Mud  Turtle  and  Great  Turtle  clans  form 
the  Turtle  phratry;  and  the  Turkey,  Crane  and  Chicken  clans  form  the 
Turkey  phratry.  The  clans  were  exogamous  and  maternal,  with  a  heredi- 
tary chief  in  each.  He  also  states,  on  the  authority  of  a  Narragansett 
woman,  that  the  Pequot  and  Narragansett  reckoned  clan  descent  on  the 
mother's  side.  Judging  from  the  Indian  names  of  the  above  clans,  I  am 
inclined  to  believe  that  Morgan  derived  his  information  from  a  Hudson 
River  Mahican,  and  that  the  list  applies  to  that  tribe,  now  bearing  the  name 
of  Stockbridge,  rather  than  to  the  Connecticut  Mohegan. 

The  only  Mohegan  terms  of  relationship  remembered  by  Mrs.  Fielding, 
which  are  available  for  comparison  were :  — 

nuc,  my  father 

nannang,  my  mother 

nu'janas,  my  grandfather 


1  Cf.  Iroquois  Silverwork,  M.  R.  Harrington.    Volume  I,  part  6  of  this  series. 

2  Ancient  Society,  L.  H.  Morgan.    New  York  (1878),  p.  174. 


194         Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


nanna',  my  grandmother 
natanls,  my  daughter 
namakkls,  my  son 
nldamb,  my  friend 
ktcais,  husband,  old  man 
wlnai's,  wife,  old  woman. 

The  dead  were  disposed  of  by  burial,  the  body  of  a  man  being  carried 
to  the  grave  suspended  from  a  pole  by  thongs  at  the  neek,  waist  and  heels, 
and  carried  by  two  friends.  Food  was  placed  in  the  grave  and  a  fence  was 
then  made  to  surround  the  spot.  To  provide  further  for  the  soul,  a  horse, 
dog  and  usually  some  useful  articles  were  interred  with  the  body.  At  the 
old  Shantup  burying  ground  at  Mohegan  village,  sunken  graves  may  still  be 
seen.  The  Indians  also  had  the  custom  of  putting  a  stone  or  some  other 
remembrance  on  graves  as  they  passed  by  them. 

The  old  Indian  dance  was  called  mataga,  and  the  singing  that  accom- 
panied it,  gatu'ma.  No  one  living  in  the  last  eighty  years  has  witnessed 
these  performances  and  nothing  whatever  is  remembered  of  them.  Judging, 
however,  from  the  cognate  Delaware  matagen,  machtagen  (ch  as  in  German), 
to  fight,  the  Mohegan  dance  meant  by  the  above  term  was  a  war  dance. 

There  is  no  doubt  though,  that  the  Mohegan,  like  most  of  the  Atlantic 
coast  sedentary  tribes,  had  a  ceremony  to  signalize  the  season  of  the  corn 
harvest.  This  ceremony,  known  widely  among  other  tribes  as  the  Green 
Corn  Dance,  has  a  degraded  survival  in  a  modern  September  festival.  The 
festival  is  now  simply  a  sort  of  fair  for  the  benefit  of  the  Indian  church.  A 
suitable  time  is  appointed  by  the  church  women,  and  the  men  proceed  to 
erect  a  large  wigwam  as  a  shelter.  An  area  adjoining  the  church  at  least 
sixty  feet  square,  is  covered  by  this  arbor.  Crotched  chestnut  posts  are 
erected  in  the  ground  about  ten  feet  apart,  and,  from  one  to  the  other  of 
these,  cross  pieces  are  laid,  a  construction  previously  described  (p.  188). 
Quantities  of  green  white  birch  saplings  have  been  cut  and  are  then  strewn 
over  the  roof  quite  thickly.  The  sides  are  filled  and  woven  in  with  these 
also,  in  such  a  manner  as  to  make  a  fairly  weather-tight  enclosure.  A  portion 
of  the  wigwam's  side  is  visible  in  the  background  of  Plate  XXII.  For  some 
days  before  the  festival,  several  men  are  kept  busy  pounding  up  quantities 
of  corn  for  yokeg  which  the  women  and  children  have  roasted.  Several 
large  mortars  are  kept  exclusively  for  this  purpose,  and  are  the  common 
property  of  the  tribe.  The  days  of  the  festival  are  merely  the  occasion  for  a 
general  informal  gathering  of  the  Indians  from  far  and  near,  and  the  sale, 
for  the  benefit  of  the  church  treasury,  of  such  things  as  they  are  able  to  make. 
Many  articles  of  Indian  manufacture  already  described  are  displayed  on 
benches  in  this  wigwam,  for  sale  as  souvenirs  and  articles  of  utility;  while 


1909.] 


Speck,  The  Mohegan  Indians. 


195 


various  dishes  of  food,  ancient  and  modern,  are  made  and  sold  on  the  grounds. 
Some  other  sort  of  amusement  is  usually  introduced  from  outside  for  the 
three  days,  and  an  admission  price  is  charged.  They  also  have  someone 
appear  in  full  Indian  costume  as  an  added  attraction.  The  Mohegan  make 
this  annual  gathering  a  sort  of  tribal  holiday.  The  fact  that  it  takes  place 
at  the  height  of  the  corn  season,  and  that  corn  products,  particularly  yokeg 
and  su'ktac,  play  such  an  important  part  in  it,  are  clear  indications  of  the 
early  nature  of  this  festival. 

One  other,  the  custom  of  making  friendship  between  two  men,  is  re- 
membered. In  such  a  case,  the  contracting  persons  symbolized  their  com- 
pact by  the  giving  of  the  silver  brooches  which  have  already  been  mentioned. 

According  to  Lester  Skeesucks,  Mohegan  men  had  a  death-song  which 
every  one  would  try  to  sing  at  the  last  moment  before  death.  It  served  to 
announce  to  inhabitants  of  the  spirit-land  that  another  spirit  was  about  to 
start  thither.  The  words  of  the  song,  as  he  remembered  it,  were,  "Yu  nl 
ne  ne  andai;  jibai  oke;  nl  ki  pi  ai;  nl  mas  setcu,"  which  Professor  Prince 
translated,  "Here  I  am.  To  the  spirit-land  I  am  going.  I  shall  pass  away." 
The  music  and  analysis  were  given  in  a  previous  article.1  The  Mohegan 
war-cry  consisted  of  three  short  rapid  yells,  pronouncing  the  syllable,  ai,  ai  ai. 
While  the  Mohegan  were  evidently  a  warlike  tribe,  the  only  memories  of 
their  activities  are  a  few  traditional  exploits  of.  their  chief  Uncas.  Some 
references  to  his  career  have  been  given.  Another  tale  in  which  a  Mohegan 
conjuror  figures  will  be  given  under  the  subject  of  personal  magic.  A  few 
other  memories  of  Uncas;  his  murder  of  Miantonomoh  and  the  eating  of 
some  of  his  victim's  flesh;  his  escape  from  the  latter  at  Uncas's  Leap  rock, 
near  Norwich;  his  defeat  of  the  latter  by  strategy  at  Uncas's  Plains  above 
Norwich;  and  other  tales  in  fragment,  are  recounted.2  It  is  likely  that 
local  historical  essays  have  refreshed  and  added  to  these  accounts,  if  they  are 
not  entirely  responsible  for  them. 

Shamanism.  By  putting  together  the  fragments  of  knowledgs  which 
the  Indians  possess,  it  is  possible  to  form  at  least  some  idea  of  Mohegan 
shamanism  and  personal  magic.  The  shaman,  or  witch,  as  he  or  she  is 
commonly  called,  is  termed  moigu'  (animate  plural,  moiguwag).  Any 
person  who  is  believed  to  have  communication  with  supernatural  powers  is 
referred  to  by  this  word.  Such  persons,  being  inclined  to  malicious  actions, 
were  generally  feared  and  avoided  in  the  later  days,  owing  to  their  supposed 
relations  with  the  Devil.  How  witchcraft  is  acquired  is  not  known,  but  a 
wizard  is  not  long  in  being  found  out  by  his  magic.    Witches  are  remem- 


1  Ref.  (a),  pp.  210-211. 

2  Cf.  De  Forest,  History  of  the  Indians  of  Connecticut,  for  historical  accounts  of  these  events. 


196         Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


bered  chiefly  for  having  been  able  to  transport  themselves  instantaneously 
from  place  to  place,  to  achieve  various  desires  by  special  individual  magic, 
to  concoct  charms  for  various  purposes  to  cast  spells  over  persons,  animals 
and  things,  and  correspondingly  to  remove  them  at  will,  and  also  to  effect 
the  cure  of  disease  by  the  use  of  herb  medicines  which  they  knew.  Also 
any  peculiar  occurrences  and  uncanny  noises  not  thoroughly  understood, 
were  attributed  to  them,  when  not  ascribed  to  a  ghost  (jibai').  It  is  com- 
monly asserted  at  Mohegan  that  the  times  of  the  witches  or  shamans,  is  past; 
that,  since  the  Indians  have  taken  up  Christianity,  the  witches  have  gone 
off  to  the  heathen  where  they  still  flourish  and  cause  evil.  Several  witches, 
however,  seem  to  have  developed,  within  the  last  two  or  three  generations, 
and  died  mysteriously. 

About  the  last  one  at  Mohegan  was  Israel  Freeman.  He  claimed  to 
have  cured  many  complaints  and,  on  the  other  hand,  was  thought  to  be 
responsible  for  much  affliction.  He  had  two  good-looking  wives,  but  became 
jealous  of  them  and  rendered  them  hideous  as  a  punishment  by  turning  up 
their  eyelids  so  that  they  remained  permanently  disfigured.  This  may  have 
been  a  survival  of  the  custom  of  mutilation  for  adultery.  A  remedy  of  Free- 
man's for  warts  was  to  rub  the  warts  with  bean  leaves,  and  throw  them  away 
without  looking  to  see  where  they  went.  Dogs  always  growled  and  snarled 
at  Freeman,  but  he  could  quiet  them  by  pointing  at  them  with  a  handful  of 
weeds. 

The  following  few  narrative  accounts  told  by  Mrs.  Fielding,  Jimmie 
Rogers  and  others,  show  how  the  shaman  and  his  witchcraft  were  looked 
upon. 

"When  the  Narragansett  had  landed  on  Shantic  Point  and  taken  up  their 
position  of  siege,  it  looked  to  the  Mohegan  as  though  they  were  to  lose;  for 
the  enemy  outnumbered  them.  Now,  there  was  one  Narragansett  who  had 
climbed  a  certain  tree  not  far  oft',  where,  by  means  of  his  elevation  he  could 
command  an  advantageous  view  of  the  Mohegan  behind  their  palisades. 
From  his  perch  he  directed  a  destructive  fire  into  them,  adding  insult  and 
raillery  to  his  attacks.  'Are  you  hungry?'  he  would  ask  in  taunting  tones. 
In  order  to  remove  such  an  obnoxious  element  from  their  view,  the  best  of  the 
Mohegan  marksmen  engaged  in  trying  to  bring  him  down,  but  without  result. 
His  abusiveness  increased  as  their  shots  failed  to  touch  him.  Then  they  con- 
cluded that  he  was  a  moigu'.  At  length,  a  Mohegan,  who  possessed  power 
equal  to  that  of  the  Narragansett,  appeared  and  ordered  the  others  to  desist. 
Taking  a  bullet  from  his  pouch  he  swallowed  it.  Straightway  it  came  out 
of  his  navel.  He  swallowed  it  again  and  it  came  out  of  his  navel.  Again 
he  did  it  with  the  same  result.  Now  he  loaded  his  rifle  with  the  charmed 
ball  and  taking  aim,  fired  at  the  man  in  the  tree.  The  Narragansett  dropped 
out  of  the  branches,  dead." 


1909.] 


Speck,  The  Moheyan  Indians. 


197 


A  few  days  later  Col.  Leffingwell  from  Saybrook  Fort,  effected  an  en- 
trance by  night,  bringing  the  carcass  of  a  steer  to  the  starving  Mohegan. 
The  following  morning,  they  stuck  the  quarters  up  on  poles  and  waved  them 
in  derision  where  the  enemy  could  see  them  and  know  that  succor  had  arrived. 
Then  the  relief  party  on  the  heels  of  LefTingwell  appeared  on  the  river  and  the 
Narragansett  were  dispersed. 

"A  hunter  returned  to  camp  one  day,  with  a  deer  that  he  had  killed. 
His  sweetheart  during  his  absence,  had  grown  very  jealous  of  him  on  ac- 
count of  rumors  that  had  come  to  her.  When  he  stepped  before  her,  he 
was  disappointed  to  find  her  in  a  jealous  mood.  His  anger  was  aroused, 
he  stepped  up  to  her,  placing  the  antlers  of  the  deer  upon  her  forehead 
where  they  immediately  took  root.  The  antlers  grew  larger  and  larger 
until  they  threatened  to  reach  the  roof  of  the  house.  It  was  only  possible 
to  remove  them  with  the  help  of  a  powerful  shaman  who  possessed  a  magic 
oil." 

"In  the  olden  times  no  one  could  keep  anything.  The  witches  stole 
nearly  everything,  even  money.  Then,  when  they  had  taken  the  things,  they 
had  to  divide  them  in  shares  for  each.  On  one  occasion,  they  entered  a 
schoolhouse.  A  black  man  got  in  there  before  them  and  hid  himself  in  the 
place  where  the  ashes  from  the  grate  are  put.  Then  along  came  the  witches. 
They  did  not  know  that  the  man  was  in  the  building.  So  they  started  to 
divide  the  money,  and  handing  each  one  his  share,  they  said,  'This  is  yours. 
This  is  yours/  And  so  on.  Now  the  black  man  jumped  up  from  the  ashes. 
'Where  is  mine!'  he  shouted.  The  witches,  seeing  such  a  sight  as  the  black 
man  all  besmeared  with  ashes  before  them  ran  away  in  confusion.  So  the 
black  man  had  all  the  money.' 

"They  say  that  the  old  time  Mohegans  used  to  go  down  the  Thames 
River  and  across  Long  Island  Sound  in  dug  out  canoes.  They  were  fond  of 
visiting  the  Indians  over  there.  So,  one  time  Martha  Uncas,  who  at  that 
time  knew  no  English  and  was  unacquainted  with  Christianity,  being  in  need 
of  a  little  rest  and  recreation,  was  carried  over  to  Long  Island  on  a  visit. 

When  they  arrived,  they  found  the  Islanders,  probably  Montauks,  gath- 
ered at  a  meeting  in  a  large  shelter.  The  Mohegans  went  in  and  mingled 
with  them,  but  did  not  understand  the  words  of  the  speaker.  He  was  a 
Christian  and  was  preaching.  Soon  he  began  to  pray,  and  Martha  instead  of 
bowing  her  head  with  the  rest,  gazed  around  in  curiosity.  All  at  once,  a  long 
shrill  whistle  sounded  above  the  trees.  Upon  looking  up  she  beheld  a  figure 
which  she  recognized  as  moigu,  standing  in  the  doorway,  beckoning  the 
worshippers  with  his  hand  to  come  out.  They  all  arose  without  a  word  and 
left  the  meeting,  following  after  the  moigu'." 

"A  long  time  ago  a  Woman  had  a  grudge  against  a  man  who  owned 


198         A?iihropologicul  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


some  fine  cattle.  Soon  after,  the  man  noticed  that  something  was  bothering 
the  herd.  At  night,  they  would  not  sleep  and  so  became  greatly  run  down. 
He  sat  up  one  night  to  watch.  He  saw  a  goose  come  into  the  yard  and 
bewitch  the  cattle.  Having  a  gun  loaded,  he  fired,  but  the  goose  flew  away 
unharmed.  This  was  repeated  several  nights,  until  at  last  he  loaded  the 
piece  with  a  silver  bullet  and  wounded  the  goose  in  the  wing.  The  next 
day  the  old  woman  who  had  the  grudge  against  him  was  found  to  have  a 
badly  wounded  arm.  By  that  they  knew  that  she  was  a  witch  who  took 
the  form  of  a  goose." 

"Two  men  lived  together  in  a  house  and  had  a  black  man  to  work  for 
them.  They  were  very  strange  people.  Once  the  black  man  overheard  some 
strange  things  going  on  in  their  room,  and  being  curious  to  know  about  them, 
peeked  in  through  the  keyhole.  There  he  saw  his  mistresses  standing  near 
a  big  tub  of  water  in  the  center  of  the  room.  In  the  bottom  of  the  tub  was  an 
animal's  jawbone.  Now  one  of  the  women  got  into  the  tub  and  repeated  the 
following  words  '  in  the  keyhole,  through  the  keyhole.'  Immediately  she 
disappeared.  Then  the  other  woman  got  into  the  tub  and  said  the  same,  and 
she  vanished  too.  Now  the  man  thought  they  must  be  witches,  so  being  a 
curious  man,  he  went  in  and  got  into  the  tub.  He  repeated  the  words  he  had 
heard  them  say,  and  the  next  thing  he  knew,  he  was  over  in  England.  He 
found  himself  in  a  crowded  street.  People  were  going  in  and  out  of  the 
shops.  It  was  London.  Thinking  that  he  had  better  have  something  brac- 
ing, he  bought  a  bottle  of  rum.  He  soon  saw  his  mistresses  in  the  street, 
but  was  afraid  to  meet  them.  They  would  be  angry  with  him.  Pretty  soon 
he  thought  that  he  had  better  be  going  home.  So  he  tried  to  recollect  the 
words  he  had  heard.  Hut  he  could  not  recall  them,  try  as  he  would.  He 
never  could  think  of  them  again.    He  must  be  there  now." 

"There  was  another  woman  around  here  who  had  a  black  man  to  work 
for  her.  Every  morning  when  he  woke  up  he  found  that  he  was  as  tired  as 
though  he  had  been  working  hard  all  night.  He  tried  every  way  to  get  rest, 
but  in  spite  of  it  all,  he  could  n't.  Nobody  knew  what  to  make  of  it  until  one 
night  some  person  saw  that  woman  riding  as  though  on  horseback,  at  break- 
neck speed  through  the  country.  When  the  person  looked  closer  he  saw  that 
she  was  riding  on  the  back  of  the  black  man,  and  he  was  bridled  and  saddled 
like  a  saddle  horse.    That  was  how  they  found  out  that  she  was  a  witch." 

Some  witch  tales  from  the  Scaticook  Indians  of  Litchfield  County,  Con- 
necticut, who  were  made  up  largely  of  Mohegans  and  Pequots  joined  to  the 
Mahican  of  western  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut,  were  obtained  from 
James  Harris,  and  are  given  here. 

"Two  men  were  travelling  together.  One  of  them  had  witchcraft  power. 
When  they  came  to  a  swamp  he  would  go  over  it  through  the  air,  and  when 


1909.] 


Speck,  The  Mohegan  Indians. 


199 


they  came  to  a  steep  hill  he  would  go  right  through  it  as  though  it  were  level. 
Now  all  this  made  the  other  man  very  miserable,  because  he  had  to  wade 
through  all  the  muck  and  mire  whenever  they  passed  a  swamp,  and  climb 
all  the  way  up  and  down  when  they  came  to  steep  hillsides.  So,  after  a  while, 
he  asked  the  first  man  how  he  could  do  such  things.  'Well,'  said  the  man, 
'You  just  have  to  say,  Under  thick  and  over  thin,  then  you  will  get  along  all 
right.' 

Xow  they  went  on  and  soon  came  to  a  swamp.  So  the  fellow  got  ready 
to  repeat  what  he  had  been  told.  He  said,  'Over  thick  and  under  thin.' 
And  he  expected  to  find  himself  starting  over  the  swamp,  but  instead  of  that, 
he  found  himself  going  down  into  the  mud.  He  went  through  the  swamp 
over  his  head  in  all  the  water  and  mire.  The  first  man  floated  over  without 
touching.  And  when  they  came  to  a  hill  the  fellow  had  to  go  right  over  it 
the  longest  and  highest  way.  It  was  because  he  had  forgotten  how  to  say 
the  charm  as  it  should  have  been  said.  Then  he  found  out  that  he  was  n't 
equal  to  the  witch  man." 

"There  was  a  little  boy  who  lived  all  alone  with  his  father  in  the  woods. 
One  dark  night,  there  came  some  strange  Indians  to  visit  them.  As  the 
evening  went  on,  the  boy's  father  sent  him  to  a  neighbor's  house  to  borrow 
some  tca'hlg  (cider)  for  his  guests.  The  boy  took  a  torch  of  pine  and  started 
out  through  the  woods  to  the  neighbor's  house.  Before  he  had  gone  very 
far,  he  heard  strange  noises  overhead  but  he  thought  that  it  was  only  the 
wind.  He  went  on  and  did  not  mind  the  noises  much.  When  he  got  the 
'tca'hig'  he  turned  towards  home,  but  all  the  way  he  heard  the  same  noises, 
and  now  he  became  so  frightened  that  he  broke  into  a  run  and  reached  the 
house  in  terror.  He  told  his  father  about  the  noises.  Then  the  strange 
Indians  when  they  heard  about  it,  went  outside  and  listened.  There  were 
voices,  the  same  ones  that  the  little  boy  had  heard.  But  these  Indians  could 
talk  with  them  and  understand  them,  although  the  little  boy  and  his  father 
could  do  neither.    Those  Indians  must  have  been  witches  too." 

"In  the  old  davs,  there  was  a  woman  here  whose  name  was  Vinev  Carter. 
She  could  do  a  great  many  things  that  no  one  else  could.  Some  evenings 
she  would  be  here,  and  in  the  morning  she  would  be  gone,  nobody  knew 
where.  But  by  night  she  would  be  back  here  again.  Then  soon  after,  we 
would  hear  that  she  had  been  up  to  Stockbridge,  on  the  day  that  she  was  n't 
here.  She  used  to  visit  the  Indians  up  there,  and  everybody  said  that  she 
was  a  witch." 

While  the  shamans  were  supposed  to  be  especially  skillful  in  concocting 
herb  medicines  and  healing  maladies,  knowledge  of  herb  medicines  was  not 
exclusively  theirs.  The  women  of  nearly  every  family  were  more  or  less 
capable  of  fixing  medicines,  which  they  administered  to  the  sick  without 


200  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


any  attempt  at  conjuration.  While  all  remembrance  of  the  conjuration 
has  been  lost,  a  few  of  the  simple  herb  remedies  (ambask)  are  as  follows: 

Indian  turnip  root  steeped  is  for  sore  throat. 

Tea,  as  a  beverage,  is  made  of  the  cockle  burr  plant. 

Blood- root  scraped  and  brewed  is  for  croup,  and  is  also  an  emetic. 

The  marrow  of  a  hog's  jawbone  is  known  as  a  'drawer'  for  removing 
splinters  and  inflammation. 

A  spring  tea  is  made  of  sassafras,  pipsissewa,  princes  pine,  and  a  number 
of  other  ingredients. 

Sassafras  tea  is  used  in  very  hot  weather.    It  is  said  to  cool  the  blood. 

Cuts  are  treated  with  mashed  plantain,  or  the  inner  bark  of  the  willow. 

Skunk  oil  is  applied  to  all  parts  of  the  body  to  allay  pain. 

Yarrow  tea  is  given  for  fevers. 

Puff  balls  and  spider  webs  are  used  to  stop  bleeding. 

Sounds,  the  white  gristle  lying  along  the  backbone  of  a  fish,  are  used  for 
glue.    When  dried  they  are  also  used  to  settle  coffee. 

An  old  and  much  feared  wonder  worker  used  to  have  a  root  which  he 
called  'whistling  root.'  When  it  was  put  on  a  rock  it  would  disappear  with 
a  whistling  sound.    He  is  said  to  have  kept  it  in  a  bottle. 

Barberry  is  chewed  for  toothache.1 

Tea  is  made  from  sumach  blossoms. 

Wild  rhubarb  tea  is  said  to  benefit  the  nerves.  Another  remedy  for  the 
same  trouble  is  burdock,  ginseng  and  chickweed. 

While  the  Mohcgan  witch  idea  has  undoubtedly  been  affected  by  Euro- 
pean lore,  it  is  possible  to  find  Indian  cognates  for  some  of  its  elements. 
The  idea  expressed  by  the  word  moigii',  shaman,  is  evidently  cognate  with 
Narragansett  mann&tu,  Natic,  manitto,  Abenaki  m'  daulinu  and  Delaware 
meteu  and  central  Algonkin,  tclsa'ka  and  waublnu.- 

Belicfs  and  Folk- Lore.  All  the  surviving  ideas  of  native  deities  are 
embodied  in  the  one  term  mundu,  God;  cognate  with  Algonkin  manito. 
Hie  term,  in  later  years,  came  to  refer  only  to  the  Christian  God,  in  which 
case  it  was  Gantci  Mundu.  The  archdemon  corresponding  to  the  Devil 
was  mate!  mundu.  Another  name  for  the  same  being  is  di'bT.  While 
native  ideas  in  regard  to  these  terms  have  been  completely  replaced  by 
Christian  ones,  still  the  natural  inference,  based  on  the  similarity  of  terms, 
is  that  the  common  Algonkin  manito  concepts  were  shared  to  some  extent 
by  the  Mohcgan. 


1  The  remnants  of  the  Uncachogue  or  Poosepatuck  Indians  of  Long  Island  also  employ 
this  for  the  same  purpose. 

2  Cf.  reference  (b),  pp.  19  and  32,  where  Professor  Prince  shows  the  similarity  between 
Mohegan  moi  and  Narragansett  manni.  Mohegan  shows  an  elision  of  1,  r,  n,  in  cognates  from 
neighboring  Algonkin  dialects.    Delaware  has  malliku,  witchcraft. 


1909.] 


Speck,  The  Mohegan  Indians. 


201 


It  seems  characteristic  of  the  Algonkin  tribes,  in  particular,  to  believe 
in  numerous  varieties  of  fairies,  forest  elves  and  river  elves  of  all  kinds. 
The  Mohegan  claim  to  have  believed  in  the  existence  of  many  of  these  in 
former  times,  but  only  one  kind  is  now  remembered.  These  are  the  makia- 
wlsag, little  people  (singular  makkl's).  The  following  short  narrative  of 
Mrs.  Fielding  explains  all  that  is  known  about  them. 

"The  makiawlsag  were  dwarfs  who  lived  in  the  woods.  They  were  the 
ones  who  made  the  pictures  and  scratchings  on  the  rock  which  stood  on 
Fort  Hill.1  The  old  glass  bottles  which  are  plowed  out  of  the  ground  here 
and  there  were  left  by  them,  as  were  also  the  brass  kettles  found  in  graves. 

The  last  of  them  to  be  seen  around  here  were  some  whom  Martha  Uncas 
told  about.  It  must  have  been  before  1800.  She  was  then  a  child  coming 
down  the  Yantic  River  in  a  canoe  with  her  parents.  They  saw  some 
makiawlsag  running  along  the  shore.  A  pine  forest  grew  near  the  water 
and  they  could  be  seen  through  the  trees.  Her  mother  saw  them  and  said, 
1  Don't  look  at  the  dwarfs.  They  will  point  their  fingers  at'you,  and  then  you 
cannot  see  them.'  She  turned  her  head  away.  There  did  not  seem  to  be 
many  of  them. 

The  dwarfs  came  to  people's  houses,  asking  for  something  to  eat.  Ac- 
cording to  the  old  Indians,  one  must  always  give  the  dwarfs  what  was  wanted ; 
for,  if  they  refused,  they  would  point  their  fingers  at  one,  so  that  one  could 
not  see  them,  and  the  dwarfs  would  take  whatever  they  chose. 

There  was  an  Indian  and  his  wife  who  lived  near  here  long  ago.  They 
saw  some  makiawlsag.  It  was  in  this  way.  One  stormy  night  there  was  a 
rap  on  their  door.  When  the  woman  opened  the  door,  the  wind  blew  very 
hard.  Someone  was  standing  outside,  but  she  did  not  know  who  it  was. 
When  she  found  out  what  the  person  wanted,  she  told  her  husband  that 
someone  wanted  her  to  go  and  take  care  of  a  sick  woman  a  long  way  off. 
She  decided  to  go,  and  packed  up  her  things  to  leave.  The  person  was  a 
dwarf,  but  she  thought  he  was  a  boy.  He  led  her  far  away  through  the  storm. 
After  a  while  they  reached  a  small  underground  house.  The  dwarf  led  the 
Indian  woman  inside  and  there  lay  a  dwarf  woman  ill  on  a  bed  of  skins. 
The  Indian  woman  then  recognized  them  as  makiawlsag.  She  stayed  with 
them  some  time  and  cared  for  the  sick  one  until  she  got  well.  When  she 
was  ready  to  return  home,  the  dwarf  gave  the  Indian  woman  a  lot  of  presents, 
blindfolded  her  and  led  her  back  to  her  home.  She  was  very  well  treated. 
The  Indians  often  tried  to  find  these  dwarfs,  but  they  never  succeeded. 
They  were  never  heard  of  afterward.  I  believe  these  were  the  last.  They 
generally  kept  away  from  the  Indians,  but  never  molested  them.  People 


1  Since  blasted  out  by  road  makers. 


202 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


used  to  think  that  the  mounds  in  this  part  of  the  Thames  Valley  were  made 
by  the  dwarfs." 

Ghosts  or  wandering  spirits,  (jlbai'),  are  believed  to  be  round  about. 
Besides  indulging  in  many  mystifying  capers,  such  as  appearing  suddenly 
before  people  at  night  and  making  peculiar  and  terrifying  noises,  they  are 
thought  to  take  vengeance  on  their  enemies  and  help  their  friends  on  earth  in 
various  ways.  It  is  hard  to  separate  the  Indian  from  the  European  elements 
in  such  tales. 

The  will-o'-the-wisp  is  called  gackatcang.  The  Indians  believe  it  to  be 
caused  by  spirits  who  are  travelling  about  with  lights.  They  are  greatly 
feared,  and  are  thought  to  be  more  numerous  at  certain  places  and  at  par- 
ticular times  of  the  year.    Here  are  given  some  short  aneedotes. 

"One  dark,  stormy  night  a  woman  was  coming  down  the  long  hill  toward 
Two  Bridges,  having  been  up  to  New  London.  Looking  across  the  swamp 
to  the  opposite  slope  she  beheld  a  light  approaching  in  her  direction.  When 
they  drew  near  to  one  another  the  woman  saw  that  the  light  was  suspended  in 
the  center  of  a  person's  stomach  as  though  in  a  frame.  There  was  no 
shadow  cast,  and  yet  the  outline  of  the  person  could  be  distinguished  as  it 
surrounded  the  light.  The  woman  was  badly  frightened  and  ran  all  the  way 
home. 

Another  time  Tantaquidgeon  was  riding  home,  and  when  he  was  passing 
the  same  swamp  two  dogs  dashed  from  the  bushes,  and  from  their  mouths 
they  breathed  fire.  They  ran  along  side,  blowing  flames  at  the  horse's  flanks 
until  he  had  passed  the  swamp.  A  white  horse's  head  has  been  seen  lying 
there  too,  but  when  the  person  approached  it,  it  moved  further  along  just 
keeping  ahead  of  him.  Women  who  have  gone  through  the  bars  near  the 
swamp  at  night  have  felt  hands  holding  on  to  their  skirts,  and  even  herds  of 
pigs  have  dashed  out  to  terrify  belated  travellers  at  night.  Some  Indians 
claim  to  have  felt  hands  grasping  their  feet  as  they  went  by." 

Mrs.  Fielding  was  aroused  one  night  by  a  light  that  shone  from  the  hill 
above  her  house,  and  while  she  stood  watching  it  from  her  window,  she  saw 
it  ascend  the  hill  to  a  small  heap  of  rocks,  where  it  blazed  up  high  and  sub- 
sided. Then  it  moved  to  another  rock  and  blazed  high  again,  subsiding  as 
before  in  a  few  moments.  She  had  reason  to  be  certain  that  no  one  was  in 
the  pasture,  and  the  next  morning  she  found  no  evidence  of  burning  about 
the  rocks.  The  thing  was  repeated  a  number  of  times  and  she  considered 
herself  to  have  been  visited  by  spirits. 

Some  children  have  a  rhyme,  the  meaning  of  which  is  not  all  clear.  It 
is  said  to  be  part  of  an  old  song.  "Petlkad&'s  nu'djana's  kangayai'  n'tuli- 
pas',"  approximately,  "My  grandfather  brings  it,  my  turtle  carries  it." 

A  children's  puzzle  is,  "  Injun  cut  me  out.    Injun  tear  my  shirt  and  leave 


1909.] 


Speck,  Tfie  Mohegan  Indians. 


203 


me  in  the  dirt."  Answer,  a  broom.  The  puzzle  refers  descriptively  to  the 
process  of  making  brooms  from  birch  wood  by  splitting  the  end  of  the  stick 
and  shaving,  bending  back  and  tying  the  strips. 

A  certain  kind  of  cry  in  the  woods  at  night  is  made,  it  is  said,  by  the 
devil's  bird.  The  bird  makes  its  cry  in  one  place  and  then  goes  on  to  an- 
other for  a  while.  The  sounds  are  said  to  resemble  those  made  by  owls, 
but  need  not  be  confused  with  them.  The  same  bird  is  thought  to  have 
something  to  do  with  thunder. 

The  following  are  a  few  miscellaneous  scraps  of  folk-lore : 

"  Just  back  of  the  Mohegan  chapel  there  is  a  rock  having  a  distinct  im- 
pression of  some  animal's  foot,  much  like  a  cow's,  extending  to  the  depth  of 
about  ten  inches.  This  footprint  is  said  to  belong  to  the  devil,  made  when  he 
left  Mohegan.    He  is  believed  to  have  gone  east,  some  say  to  England." 

"  Several  years  ago  a  woodcutter  in  felling  a  chestnut  tree  near  the  river, 
picked  up  a  roundish  knot  that  dropped  from  it.  He  noticed  that  its  outline 
and  marking  resembled  a  human  face.  Bringing  it  to  Mrs.  Fielding  he  was 
told  it  was  the  head  of  a  woman  who  had  been  slain  by  her  husband  a  hundred 
years  ago.  The  couple  lived  in  the  grove  where  the  man  was  cutting,  and 
the  head  of  the  woman  was  believed  to  have  transmigrated  to  the  tree,  to 
warn  people  of  the  evil  of  murder." 

"When  the  moon  is  like  a  hook  in  the  sky  with  the  ends  turned  up,  it  is 
to  hang  your  powder  horn  on.  That  means  that  it's  going  to  be  too  wet  to 
go  hunting.  When  it  hangs  so  that  you  cannot  hang  your  horn  on  it,  then 
take  down  your  pouch  and  go  hunting,  for  the  weather  will  be  good.  That 
is  the  dry  moon." 

"  WThen  the  tree  frog  croaks,  he  is  calling  for  rain." 

Myths.  Several  myths  referring  to  the  exploits  of  a  being  called  Tca/na- 
mid were  obtained  at  Mohegan  from  Mrs.  Fielding.  They  were  published 
in  the  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore  as  they  were  told,  but  will  be  given 
below  in  abstract  for  the  sake  of  completeness.  As  far  as  could  be  ascer- 
tained, Tca/namid  figured  in  many  tales  as  a  trickster  generally  outwitting 
his  opponents  by  his  magic  tricks.  If  these  few  tales  be  accepted  as  typical 
of  the  original  mythology  of  the  tribe,  it  would  seem  safe  to  assume  that  in 
the  person  of  Tca/namid  we  have  the  Mohegan  trickster,  corresponding  in 
position  to  Eastern  Algonkin  (Passamaquoddy  and  Micmac)  Gluscap,1 
and  central  Algonkin  (Otchipwe,  Menominee)  Nanabozho,  Manabush. 
Tca/namid  is  said  to  mean  "glutton."  Professor  Prince  supports  this 
translation  by  his  analysis.2 


1  Cf.  Gluscap  the  Master,  C.  G.  Leland  and  J.  D.  Prince.    New  York,  1902. 

2  Reference  (f),  p.  107. 


204 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


Employing  the  newly  invented  catch-wortls  for  mythological  motives, 
we  recognize  in  these  few  tales  the  widespread  American  themes  of  the 
unsuccessful  imitation,  the  magic  flight,  the  vivifying  forces  and  the  trick- 
ster tricked.  The  themes  of  some  of  the  tales  given,  undoubtedly  show 
European  influence. 

Tca'namId  Wins  the  Eating  Match.1 

Tca'namId  disputes  with  another  over  his  eating  capacity.  They  agree 
to  hold  a  contest.  Tca'namId  fastens  a  bag  under  his  shirt.  A  barrel  of 
soup  is  brought.  When  they  begin,  Tca'namId  secretes  the  food  in  the  bag 
instead  of  eating  it.  When  his  opponent  gives  up,  Tca'namId  challenges 
him  to  stab  his  stomach  and  dies. 

Tca'namId  Squeezes  the  Stone.2 

Tca'namId  challenges  an  opponent  to  a  contest  of  strength.  He  boasts 
that  he  can  squeeze  water  out  of  a  stone.  He  takes  a  lump  of  dough  instead 
of  a  stone,  climbs  a  tree  and  squeezes  water  out  of  it.  The  people  are  de- 
ceived. His  opponent  takes  a  stone,  climbs  a  tree  and  squeezes  the  stone  so 
hard  that  it  cuts  his  hands  and  he  has  to  come  down. 

Tca'namId  Killed  by  a  Woman.  3 

Tca'namId  abducts  a  girl  and  makes  her  his  wife.  She  plans  to  desert 
him.  She  makes  dolls  and  puts  them  about  the  house  in  corners  with  a  little 
dried  dung  near  each.  A  larger  one  she  places  in  her  bed  and  defecates 
near  it.  She  puts  a  mortar,  pestle  and  some  eggs  in  a  canoe  and  escapes 
when  Tca'namId  is  absent.  After  she  has  gone,  he  returns  and  discovers 
her  absence  and  the  dolls  in  the  house.  Every  time  he  turns  his  back  one 
of  the  dolls  screams.  When  he  searches,  he  finds  the  large  doll  in  the  bed 
and  strikes  it  with  a  club,  thinking  it  is  his  wife.  This  doll  screams  louder 
than  the  others.  Tca'namId  sets  out  in  pursuit  of  the  woman.  He  follows 
her  in  a  canoe  and  gains  on  her.  When  she  sees  this,  she  throws  out  the 
mortar  and  a  bar  of  mortars  obstructs  his  way.  He  crosses  this  and  gains 
again.  She  throws  out  the  pestle  and  a  bar  of  pestles  hinders  him.  He 
crosses  this  and  gains  on  her  again.  She  throws  out  the  eggs  and  a  bar  of 
eggs  is  formed.  He  crosses  this,  and  for  the  last  time  she  takes  a  hair  from 
her  head,  which  becomes  a  spear,  and  kills  Tca'namId  with  it. 

1  Cf.  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore,  Volume  XVII  (1904),  pp.  183-184. 

2  Cf.  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore,  Volume  XVII  (1904),  pp.  183-184. 

3  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore,  Volume  XVI  (1903),  p.  104. 


1909.] 


Speck,  The  Mohegan  Indians. 


205 


The  Scaticook  Indians. 

Mention  should  be  made  here  of  a  small  band  of  fourteen  Indians  known 
as  Scaticook  (also  Skaghticoke)  in  Litchfield  County,  Connecticut,  on  the 
Housatonic  River,  who  are  closely  related  to  the  Mohegan.  This  band  I 
visited  in  1903  and  1904.  The  only  results  obtained  were  a  small  vocabu- 
lary, some  ethnographic  specimens  and  a  few  items  of  ethnology.1  A  brief 
account  of  the  tribe  and  the  list  of  Indian  words  with  commentaries  of 
Professor  Prince,  have  already  been  published.2  The  nucleus  of  this  tribe 
was  made  up  of  Hudson  River  Mohican,  as  was  evidenced  by  the  vocabulary, 
and  recruited  from  neighboring  Connecticut  tribes  among  whom  Mohegan 
and  Pequot  figured  largely.  The  dialectic  affinities  of  this  composite  tribe, 
however,  are  evidently  with  the  Delaware  to  the  west,  rather  than  to  the 
Mohegan  to  the  east. 

Several  references  to  the  Scaticook  have  been  made  before  in  this  paper 
and  some  of  their  tools  described.  The  description  of  a  few  other  specimens 
and  a  few  additional  ethnologic  facts  will  be  given.  What  I  was  able  to 
secure  appeared  to  exhaust  the  store  of  knowledge  of  the  fourteen  individuals 
then  on  the  reservation. 

The  Indians  made  an  annual  emigration  from  their  inland  home  on  the 
Housatonic  some  forty  miles  down  the  river  to  Long  Island  Sound  near 
Bridgeport,  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  stores  of  shell  fish.  The  old  trail 
is  remembered  to  have  followed  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Housatonic  down 
to  the  Cat's  Paw  Rocks,  near  New  Milford,  where  it  crossed  to  the  west  shore 
and  thence  led  to  salt  water.  Quantities  of  shell  fish  were  brought  back  by 
the  Indians  on  their  return  trip  each  fall.  The  journey  took  two  days  and 
one  night. 

A  bow  and  arrows,  some  baskets  and  a  mortar  and  pestle  formerly  in 
the  possession  of  James  Harris,  who  claimed  to  be  a  full  blood,  afford  the 
basis  for  description.  The  bow  was  a  simple  stave,  rudely  rectangular  in 
section  and  about  three  and  a  half  feet  in  length.  The  string  is  attached  to  a 
short  notched  stub  at  the  ends  of  the  stave.  The  arrows  were  of  the  un- 
feathered  blunt-headed  type.  A  basket  resembling  in  shape,  the  bark 
buckets  or  pails  of  the  northern  tribes  is  commonly  made  and  sold  by  the 
Scaticook.  The  bottom  is  slightly  wider  than  the  top.  The  weave  of  the 
bottom  is  of  the  simple  checkerwork  pattern,  the  side  being  filled  in,  in 


1  Averages  of  measurements  made  on  two  Scaticook  individuals  in  1903,  give  the  following: 
Value  Kilson  (part  white,  88  years),  cephalic  index  81.2,  facial  index  85;  Jim  Harris  (full 
blood  (?),  54  years)  cephalic  index  81.2,  facial  index  86. 

2  Cf.  reference  (d) 


206 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


simple  alternate  twill  with  fine  maple  splints.1  The  mortar  was  made  of  a 
plain  log  and  stood  about  one  and  a  half  feet  high,  with  plain  sides.  The 
pestle  was  of  wood  with  ihe  hand  grip  in  the  middle,  for  both  ends,  as  Harris 
stated,  were  employed  in  pounding.  Dug-out  canoes  were  made  until 
several  generations  ago. 

Nothing  in  the  way  of  custom  or  belief  was  remembered  by  any  Scati- 
cook  except  that,  more  than  fifty  years  ago,  they  elected  a  "queen"  and  that 
upon  that  occasion  she  was  crowned  with  a  silver  headband  and  wore  an 
Indian  costume.  Harris  also  stated  that  the  Indians  formerly  believed  in 
the  magic  power  possessed  by  individuals  to  transport  themselves  at  will,  to 
effect  their  designs  by  wishes,  and  to  practice  other  things,  included  under 
witchcraft  in  general.  There  were  localities,  he  stated,  where  the  Indians, 
in  passing  by,  made  offerings  of  food  or  property  for  the  purpose  of  appeas- 
ing the  demon  believed  to  reside  there. 

The  former  hostility  of  the  Iroquois  toward  these  Indians  still  lingers 
in  their  memory.  Rather  strangely,  the  salutation  in  vogue  at  Scaticook 
was  given  as  se'go  which  is  ostensibly  borrowed  from  the  Iroquois. 

The  Western  Niantic. 

The  location  of  this  tribe  was  southeast  of  the  Mohegan  on  Long  Island 
Sound.  At  an  early  time,  the  Xiantie  (Xayantikuk,  Point  of  Land  People) 
probably  occupied  the  shores  of  this  body  of  water  from  the  Connecticut 
River  eastward  to  the  Pawcatuck  which  divides  Connecticut  from  Rhode 
Island.  If  historical  evide  nces  are  correct,  the  tribe  was  cut  in  two  by  a 
southerly  invasion  of  the  Pequot.  The  eastern  section  naturally  coalesced 
with  the  neighboring  Xarragansett  and  became  separated  from  the  western 
section  which  fell  under  Pequot  control.  The  eastern  Xiantie  thenceforth 
remained  identified  with  the  Xarragansett  and  were  lost  sight  of.  The 
accompanying  notes  refer  solely  to  the  western  Xiantie  who  retained  an 
independent  existence  until  about  fifty  years  ago.  The  territory  of  the 
latter  extended  from  the  Connecticut  River  eastward  along  the  Sound  to 
the  Xiantie  River.  Their  principal  village  was  at  Black  Point,  south  of  the 
present  town  of  Lyme.  The  village  extended  along  what  is  now  known  as 
Crescent  Beach  and  the  Indian  burying  ground  was  a  short  distance  back 
from  this. 

There  was  another  village  near  the  present  town  of  Xiantie  where  the 


J  Cf.  Southern  Workman,  Volume  XXXIII,  Number  7,  pp.  383-390,  (1904)  where  W.  C. 
Curtis  has  an  interesting  article  in  which  shapes,  weaves,  and  designs  of  western  Connecticut 
Indian  baskets  are  figured  and  discussed. 


1909.] 


Speck,  The  Mohegan  Indians. 


207 


Niantic  River  joins  the  Sound.1  The  western  Niantic  did  not  extend  far 
inland.  They  were  apparently  a  small  and  unimportant  tribe  numbering 
only  one  hundred  in  1638,  and  eighty-five  in  1761. 2  Until  recently  they 
occupied  a  reservation  at  Black  Point  but,  since  the  last  claimants  have 
died,  nothing  now  remains  of  it.  Some  Niantic  emigrated  with  other  Con- 
necticut Indians  to  Brotherton,  New  York,  and  thence  to  Wisconsin.  The 
last  three  men  surviving  at  Black  Point  were  Sam  Sobuck,  Wawkeet  and 
Zach  Nunsuch;  all  presumably  of  unmixed  blood.  One  woman,  Mrs. 
Henry  Mathews  (Mercy  Nunsuch)  who  was  bound  out  to  service  among 
the  Whites  when  a  child,  married  a  Mohegan  and  still  lives  with  her  hus- 
band's people  among  whom  she  has  children  and  grandchildren.  She  is  a 
full  blood  Niantic  and  the  last  of  her  tribe.  The  few  historical  and  ethno- 
logic facts  presented  here  were  obtained  from  Mrs.  Mathews  and  her  neph- 
ew Albert  Nunsuch,  while  the  other  scattered  bits  of  information  came  up 
from  time  to  time  at  the  Mohegan  village.  Hitherto,  nothing  has  been  re- 
corded of  Niantic  ethnology,  and  the  original  sources,  outside  of  possible  ones 
among  the  Brotherton  Indians  of  Wisconsin,  may  be  considered  as  practically 
exhausted. 

Owing  to  the  fact  that  Mrs.  Mathews  left  her  people  at  the  age  of  seven, 
she  recalls  nothing  of  her  native  language  save  one  term :  buskacazan,  to 
fall  down.  The  cognate  Mohegan  term  is  buckanzitiasan.  Both  the 
living  Niantic  and  the  Mohegan  assert  that  the  two  languages  were  mutually 
intelligible  in  part  when  spoken  slowly,  but  that  the  Niantic  were  character- 
ized by  having  weak,  high-pitched  voices  and  a  high  intonation. 

The  Niantic  spent  the  spring  and  summer  seasons  near  the  sea  shore  at 
Black  Point  where  they  fished  and  cultivated  a  little  ground,  chiefly  raising 
corn  and  beans.  In  winter,  they  moved  back  into  the  woods  where  they 
could  keep  warmer  and  where  firewood  was  easier  to  get.  The  permanent 
house  or  wigwam  was  made  of  logs  and  planks.  Logs  formed  the  sides. 
Inside  and  out,  between  the  logs,  the  spaces  were  smeared  with  a  kind  of 
plaster  consisting  of  clay  thoroughly  mixed  with  pounded  clam  and  oyster 
shells.  Wawkeet  was  the  last  Niantic  to  have  occupied  one  of  these  houses, 
and  A.  S.  Nunsuch,  now  living,  remembers  helping  him  renew  the  chinking 
of  his  house  in  the  manner  described.  The  roof  was  of  planks,  over  which 
quantities  of  brush  were  thrown.  The  enclosure  formed  one  room  without 
windows.  The  floor  was  laid  with  boards.  At  one  end  of  the  roof  an  open- 
ing was  left  as  an  exit  for  smoke.    Directly  beneath  this  opening  was  the 


1  On  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Niantic  River,  a  short  distance  north  of  the  Railroad  bridge, 
an  unexplored  shell  heap  is  to  be  found.    The  wagon  road  cuts  through  a  portion  of  it. 

2  For  historical  and  statistical  data,  cf.  Handbook  of  American  Indians,  part  2,  Bureau  of 
American  Ethnology  and  De  Forest,  History  of  the  Indians  of  Connecticut. 


208         Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


fireplace.  At  the  end  opposite  the  fireplace  was  the  door.  When  the 
family  was  away  from  home,  it  is  said,  a  cross-stick  and  support  were  laid 
across  the  door  opening,  as  a  sign  to  forbid  entrance.  On  one  side  of  the 
house  were  two  beds  which  consisted  of  scaffolds  made  of  slats  supported 
on  crotched  uprights  and  covered  with  bedding.  Personal  effects  were  kept 
in  large  covered  baskets  which  will  be  mentioned  later.  The  mortar  and 
pestle  were  used  in  pounding  up  corn.  The  mortar  was  a  log  hollowed 
at  one  end,  and  the  pestle  a  long  stone,  both  being  similar  to  those  of  the 
Mohegan.  The  pestles  were  usually  elongated  water-worn  pebbles  which 
were  found  along  the  beaches.  The  Niantic  are  said  to  have  carried  on 
some  trade  with  their  neighbors  by  means  of  these  pestles.  They  would 
obtain  suitable  stones  and  leave  them  on  the  beach  to  be  rolled  together  and 
ground  smooth  by  the  waves. 

Mr.  Nunsuch  who  was  born  at  Niantic  and  who  later  removed  to  Mohegan 
offers  the  following  information  which  applies  to  the  Niantic  and  the  Mohe- 
gan as  well.  Bowstrings  were  made  of  strips  of  twisted  rawhide  or  strips 
of  deer  sinew.  Arrows  were  often  tipped  with  an  iron  nail,  in  later  days, 
the  end  of  the  nail  being  inserted  into  the  end  of  the  shaft  where  the  pith 
had  been  removed.  Archery  was  kept  up  by  boys  and  men  until  lately  for 
purposes  of  amusement,  small  game  hunting,  and  betting  on  marksmanship. 
The  Niantic  boys  were  taught  to  hold  the  bow  vertically  in  the  left  hand 
with  the  forefinger  resting  on  the  poised  arrow.  The  nock  of  the  arrow  was 
held  between  the  firsl  and  second  fingers  of  the  right  hand  with  the  thumb 
over  the  arrow  nock,  the  tips  of  the  fir.^t  two  fingers  catching  on  the  bow 
string.  This  release  is  similar  to  that  recorded  of  the  Eskimo  except  that 
the  thumb  is  employed.  For  a  quiver  the  men  made  a  rather  long  narrow 
basket  of  splints  which  was  carried  suspended  from  the  shoulder. 

There  are  a  few  objects  of  Niantic  manufacture,  whether  exclusively  of 
Niantic  origin  or  not,  which  ought  at  least  to  be  described  here. 

A  type  of  storage  or  trunk  basket  was  fairly  common  in  their  wigwams, 
being  used  in  a  general  way  for  the  reception  of  personal  property  and  pro- 
visions. Some  of  these  baskets  are  still  to  be  seen  around  Niantic  and 
several  were  formerly  at  Mohegan.  In  size,  they  averaged  about  two  feet 
in  length,  eighteen  inches  in  width  and  a  foot  or  so  in  height,  the  sides  all 
being  straight.  The  warp  and  woof  are  composed  of  thin-shaven  maple  (?) 
splints  about  an  inch  and  a  half  wide,  interwoven  in  the  simple  checker- 
work  pattern.  A  telescope  cover,  almost  as  large  as  the  body  of  the  basket, 
fits  down  over  the  top,  allowing  a  considerable  extension  of  its  holding 
capacity.  In  the  center  of  each  of  the  four  sides,  on  all  of  these  baskets  seen, 
is  a  conventional  design  painted  in  black  and  red  or  pink  (Fig.  33). 

Beaded  bags  are  remembered  by  Mrs.  Mathews  who  at  times,  manu- 


1909.] 


Speck,  The  Mohegan  Indians. 


209 


factures  a  few,  after  an  old  model.  They  are  about  six  inches  wide  and  six 
inches  long,  and  rounded  at  the  lower  ends.  Over  the  opening  is  a  drop 
flap  decorated  with  beads.  A  simple  string  of  beads  serves  as  a  handle  or 
carrier.  They  are  intended  for  women's  use.  The  modern  material  is, 
of  course,  of  European  make  and  the  beads  are  the  ordinary  trade  beads, 
The  surface  decoration  of  these  bags  usually  consists  of  flowers  and  leaves, 
some  of  them  more  or  less  conventional.  Daisies,  black-eyed  Susans, 
leaves,  hearts,  and  forget-me-nots,  are  the  most  commonly  seen.  The 
beaded  border  is  also  general. 

In  how  far  the  eastern  flower  designs  are  entirely  of  European  derivation 
is  a  question  about  which  there  seems  to  be  little  actual  knowledge.  As 
Indian    products,    however,  generally 

found  throughout  the  Algonkin  tribes,  tf**^©®°®^ 
they  deserve  a  comparative  and  analytic  # 
investigation.     As   will   be   seen,    the  9 
Niantic  and  Mohegan  flower  figures  re- 
semble  those  of  the  other  eastern  and 
northern  tribes,  with  a  few  characteristic  * 
minor  variations.  • 
As  regards  social  organization  and  $ 
customs  in  general,  nothing  could  be  $ 
obtained.    A  short  account  of  burial  is  ©    ®    ©    ^  ®    ©  ® 

all  that  Mrs.  Mathews  recalls.    The  dead  Fig  33    Basketry  Design. 

were  buried  in  the  ground  in  a  sitting 

posture.  Objects,  weapons,  clothing  or  utensils,  which  the  deceased  was 
fond  of  in  life  were  buried  with  him.  Besides  these,  a  mess  of  corn  and 
beans,  succotash,  was  placed  at  the  grave  and  left  to  be  consumed  by  the 
ghost.  Mrs.  Mathews  remembers  that  an  old  white  man  used  to  come, 
after  Indian  burials,  and  make  a  meal  on  the  succotash  left  at  the  grave. 
When  the  Indians  would  return  and  find  this  food  gone,  they  were  greatly 
pleased  at  the  thought  that  the  ghost  had  accepted  and  eaten  it.  The  living 
are  said  to  have  feared  the  possible  evil  which  ghosts  could  bring  upon  them. 

Another  custom  which  Mrs.  Mathews  mentions  was  the  prohibition  of 
marriage  out  of  the  tribe,  applying  to  the  females.  Should  a  woman  marry 
a  stranger,  she  had  to  leave  the  place  and  forfeit  her  inheritance.  However, 
when  her  husband  died,  she  was  at  liberty  to  return.  Owing  to  this  practice, 
all  the  surviving  Niantic  were  of  pure  blood.  Whether  this  regulation  had 
any  bearing  on  the  tribal  sociology  or  whether  it  was  merely  a  development 
due  to  colonial  pressure,  it  is  hard  to  conclude. 

The  only  fragment  of  lore  which  could  be  obtained  is  a  short  historical 
account  of  an  attack  on  the  Niantic  village  at  the  mouth  of  the  Niantic 


210         Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


River.  A  short  distance  from  the  river  there  is  a  ridge  of  rock  in  which  is  a 
small  cavern  known  locally  as  the  Devil's  Den.  In  this,  a  band  of  Niantic 
retreated  on  one  occasion  when  hard  pressed  by  an  enemy,  some  say  Mo- 
hawks. Fortunately,  expecting  a  siege,  the  Niantic  carried  some  mortars 
and  pestles  with  them,  but  they  had  no  corn.  The  enemy,  unable  to  dislodge 
them,  settled  down  outside  to  starve  them  out.  Soon,  however,  they  heard 
the  sounds  of  corn  pounding  and  merriment  from  the  cave  and  thinking  the 
Niantic  were  provided  with  grain  they  gave  up  the  siege  and  left.  Local 
traditions  attributes  mysterious  noises  in  the  cave  to  the  Devil. 


ARCHAEOLOGY  OF  THE  NEW  YORK  COASTAL  ALGONKIN. 

BY 

ALANSON  SKINNER. 


Introduction 


In  the  term  New  York  Coastal  Algonkin,  the  writer  includes  the  tribes 
along  the  coast  from  Tottenville,  Staten  Island,  the  extreme  southern  point 
of  the  state,  to  the  Connecticut  boundary  on  Long  Island  Sound,  including 
to  a  certain  extent  the  shores  of  New  Jersey  immediately  adjacent  to  Staten 
and  Manhattan  Islands,  the  east  bank  of  the  Hudson  River  as  far  north  as 
Yonkers,  and  exclusive  of  Long  Island  except  the  western  end.  From  the 
examination  of  the  remains  of  the  New  York  Coastal  Algonkin  area  preserved 
in  many  collections,  both  public  and  private,  it  becomes  obvious  that  the 
objects  found  may  be  roughly  divided  into  three  groups:  articles  of  stone, 
articles  of  bone  and  antler,  and  articles  of  clay,  shell  and  metal.  The  first 
group  is,  from  the  imperishable  nature  of  its  exponents,  naturally  the  largest 
and  comprises  a  number  of  sub-groups  to  be  briefly  described  and  com- 
mented upon  in  this  paper. 

Chipped  Articles. 

Arrow  Points.  Two  general  types  may  be  recognized,  and  these  are  the 
stemmed  or  notched,  and  the  triangular  forms.  The  former  are  by  far  the 
most  abundant,  and  while  these  are  usually  made  of  the  nearest  local  rock 
possessing  the  necessary  conchoidal  fracture,  in  some  cases,  they  occur  of 
material  brought  from  a  long  distance.  Specimens  made  of  pink  flint  re- 
sembling stone  from  the  Flint  Ridge  of  Ohio,  and  of  jasper  found  to  the 
south  of  this  region  have  been  recorded.  Blunt  arrow  points  are  rare,  the 
Indians  probably  preferring  wooden  arrows  for  this  purpose.  Many  of  the 
so-called  "blunt-points"  found  in  collections,  appear  to  be  scrapers  made 
over  from  broken  arrow  points  of  a  large  size. 

The  triangular  type  has  long  been  regarded  by  the  local  collectors  of  this 
vicinity  as  being  the  type  used  in  war,  the  argument  being  that  as  it  has  no 
stem,  it  was  necessarily  but  loosely  fastened  in  its  shaft  and,  if  shot  into 
the  body,  would  be  very  liable  to  become  detached  and  remain  in  the  flesh 
if  any  attempt  were  made  to  withdraw  it  by  tugging  at  the  shaft.  While 
it  was  no  doubt  perfectly  possible  to  fasten  a  point  of  triangular  shape  to  the 
shaft  as  firmly  as  a  notched  point,  the  discoveries  of  Mr.  George  H.  Pepper  at 
Tottenville,  Staten  Island,  where  twenty-three  arrow  points  were  found  in 


213 


214 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


and  among  the  bones  of  three  Indian  skeletons,  tend  to  strengthen  this 
theory.  While  the  majority  were  of  bone  or  antler,  all  those  made  of  stone 
were  of  this  type,  and  indeed  most  of  the  bone  points  were  also  triangular 
in  shape.  However,  it  is  well  to  bear  in  mind  that  arrow  points  of  triangular 
type  have  been  used  for  every  purpose  by  all  the  early  Iroquois  tribes  of 
New  York. 

Spear  Points  and  Knives.  None  of  the  early  accounts  of  contemporary 
European  writers  seem  to  mention  the  use  of  spears  (other  than  bone  or 
antler-headed  harpoons)  by  the  Indians  hereabouts,  and  it  is  probable  that 
the  larger  arrow-point- like  forms  found,  were  used  as  knives  or  cutting  tools. 
They  are  usually  notched  or  stemmed,  rarely  triangular,  and  occasionally 
round  or  oval.  They  vary  in  size;  but  it  must  be  remembered  that  one 
tool  may  have  had  various  uses,  and  that  drills,  knives,  and  scrapers  may 
often  have  been  combined  in  one  implement. 

Scrapers.  Scrapers  were  probably  used  in  dressing  skins,  and  in  sharp- 
ening bone  implements,  woodworking  and  for  various  other  purposes.  These 
are  usually  mere  flint  flakes  chipped  to  an  edge  on  one  side.  Nevertheless, 
notched  and  stemmed  forms,  requiring  some  care  in  their  making  do  occur. 
Broken  arrow  points  were  occasionally  chipped  down  to  serve  this  purpose. 
A  single  serrated  scraper  has  been  found.  These  are  very  rare  in  both  the 
Algonkian  and  Iroquoian  areas  of  New  England  and  the  Middle  Atlantic 
States.  One  very  large  stemmed  scraper,  of  a  type  more  common  in  the  far 
west,  also  comes  from  this  locality. 

Drills.  These  are  usually  chipped  tools  presenting  an  elongated  narrow 
blade  and  a  considerably  swollen  or  expanded  base,  suitable  for  grasping 
in  the  hand.  In  some  cases  the  base  was  absent  and  those  were  probably 
hafted  in  wood.  Specimens  whose  blades  have  a  square  or  rectangular 
cross  section  are  very  rare.  The  finding  of  cores  left  in  half-drilled  objects 
shows  the  use  of  a  hollow  drill,  and  it  has  been  suggested  that  a  hard  hollow 
reed  used  with  sand  and  water  on  a  soft  stone  would  produce  this  effect. 
To  bear  out  this  assertion,  it  has  been  reported  that  a  half-drilled  implement 
has  been  found  (outside  this  area  on  the  upper  Hudson)  in  which  the  re- 
mains of  the  reed  drill  were  found  in  the  cavity  left  by  its  action. 

Rough  Stone  Articles. 

Hammerstones.  These  vary  from  simple  pebbles  picked  up  and  used 
in  the  rough,  showing  merely  a  battered  edge  or  edges  acquired  by  use,  to 
the  pitted  forms.  They  are  generally  mere  pebbles  with  a  pit  pecked  on  two 
opposite  sides,  perhaps  to  aid  in  grasping  with  the  thumb  and  forefinger. 
Some  have  battered  edges,  but  many  have  not,  suggesting,  when  round  and 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Coastal  Algonkin. 


215 


regular,  a  use  as  gaming  or  "Chunke"  stones,  or  as  implements  used  only 
in  pounding  some  soft  substance.  Hammerstones,  pitted  on  one  side  only, 
and  others  with  many  pits  on  all  sides,  occur.  These  latter  may  have  had 
some  special  use,  and  are  not  to  be  confounded  with  the  large  flat,  slab-like 
stones  having  pits  only  on  one  side,  found  in  other  regions,  and  perhaps 
used  as  receptacles  for  holding  nuts  while  cracking  them.  While  these  are 
common  in  the  Iroquoian  area,  they  are  unknown  here. 

Large  stones,  single  or  double  pitted,  resembling  oversized  hammer- 
stones  occur,  and  these  may  have  been  used  as  anvils  in  chipping  flint,  etc. 

Grooved  clubs  or  mauls,  also  showing  use  as  hammers  are  found. 
These  are  rare  and  are  usually  either  rough  pebbles,  grooved  for  hafting, 
as  in  the  case  of  the  grooved  axe,  or  grooved  axes,  the  blades  of  which  have 
become  so  battered,  broken,  and  rounded  by  wear  as  to  preclude  their 
further  use  for  chopping. 

Net-sinkers.  On  all  sites  near  the  water,  either  salt,  or  fresh,  net-sinkers 
show  the  prevalence  of  fishing.  These  are  of  two  types.  In  one  case  a 
pebble  is  notched  on  opposite  sides  of  either  the  long  or  broad  axis;  in  the 
other  a  groove  is  pecked  around  the  entire  pebble  in  the  same  manner.  The 
latter  type  is  comparatively  scarce,  as  the  former,  being  more  easily  and 
quickly  made,  was  just  as  useful  to  the  savage.  The  modern  Cree  and 
Ojibway,  residing  in  the  forests  north  of  the  Great  Lakes,  still  use  pebbles 
for  this  purpose,  but  those  observed  by  the  writer  were  not  notched  or  worked 
in  any  way.  Occasionally,  sinkers  notched  on  both  axes  are  found  in  this 
region. 

Hoes.  These  are  usually  ovoid  implements,  chipped  from  trap  and 
sometimes  notched  to  facilitate  hafting,  and  sometimes  not.  They  usually 
show  a  slight  polish  on  the  blade,  caused  by  friction  with  the  ground.  This 
type  of  hoe  is  the  form  mentioned  by  early  writers;  but  perhaps  hoes  of  shell, 
bone,  or  tortoise  shell,  and  wood  were  used  also.  None  of  these,  however, 
are  still  in  existence. 

Hand  Choppers.  Pebbles  chipped  to  an  edge  on  one  side,  for  use  as 
hand  choppers,  occur.    These  are  occasionally  pitted  on  both  sides. 

Grooved  Axes.  For  the  purposes  of  this  paper,  the  writer,  while  aware 
that  many  grooved  axes  are  well  made  and  polished,  has  decided  to  include 
them  under  the  head  of  "  Rough  Stone  Articles,''  as  by  far  the  greater  major- 
ity of  the  grooved  axes  and  celts  from  this  region  lack  the  polish  and  finish 
belonging  to  other  articles  later  to  be  described.  Grooved  axes  are  of  two 
sorts:  a,  those  made  of  simple  pebbles,  merely  modified  by  grooving  and 
chipping  or  pecking  an  edge;  and  b,  axes  which  have  been  pecked  and 
worked  all  over  and  sometimes  polished.  The  latter  (b)  may  be  said  to 
include: 


216         Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


1.  Groove  encircling  three  sides  of  blade,  one  side'flat. 

2.  Ridged  groove  encircling  three  sides  of  blade,  one  side  flat. 

3.  Groove  encircling  three  sides  of  blade,  longitudinal  groove  on  flat  side. 

4.  Groove  encircling  three  sides  of  blade,  longitudinal  groove  on  flat 

side  and  opposite. 

5.  Groove  encircling  blade. 

6.  Ridged  groove  encircling  blade. 

A  seventh  type,  having  a  double  groove  encircling  the  blade,  may  occur 
in  this  territory,  but  has  never  been  reported.  A  specimen  from  the  Hudson 
River  region,  just  north  of  the  area  here  dwelt  upon,  is  in  the  Henry  Booth 
Collection  in  this  Museum.  While  most  worked  stone  axes  have  been  pecked 
into  shape,  a  few  have  been  fashioned  by  chipping,  but  these  seem  to  be  rare. 

Grooved  axes  were  hafted  in  various  ways.  During  the  summer  of  1908, 
the  eastern  Cree  dwelling  in  the  vicinity  of  southern  Hudson's  Bay  told  the 
writer  that  their  ancestors,  who  made  and  used  such  axes,  hafted  them  by 
splitting  a  stick,  and  setting  the  blade  in  it,  then  binding  the  handle  together 
with  deer-skin  (probably  rawhide)  above  and  below  the  split.  No  speci- 
mens of  the  grooved  axe  in  the  original  haft,  seem  now  to  be  extant  from 
any  locality  in  the  east.  From  the  battered  appearance  of  the  butts  of  these 
axes,  it  may  have  been  that  they  were  sometimes  used  in  lieu  of  mauls  or 
hammers.  It  is  possible  that  they  may  have  been  used  in  war.  It  is  gen- 
erally supposed  that  in  cutting  down  trees,  making  dug-out  canoes  and  other 
kinds  of  wood-working,  fire  was  used  as  an  adjunct  to  the  stone  axe,  the 
former  being  the  active  agent.  The  process  of  burning  and  charring  having 
gone  on  sufficiently,  the  stone  axe  was  used  to  remove  the  burned  portion. 
However,  some  stone  axes  seem  sharp  enough  to  cut  quite  well  without  the 
aid  of  fire. 

Celts.  Ungrooved  axes  or  hatchets,  usually  called  celts,  are  frequent 
throughout  this  area;  but  are  nowhere  as  abundant  as  the  grooved  axe, 
especially  near  the  southern  bonier  of  the  region.  The  grooved  axe  seems 
to  have  been  the  typical  cutting  and  chopping  tool  of  the  local  Algonkin. 
The  widespread  idea  that  the  celt  was  sometimes  used  unhafted  as  a  skinning 
tool,  has  no  historic  proof;  but  may  possibly  have  some  foundation.  The 
Cree  of  the  southern  Hudson's  Bay  region  use  an  edged  tool  of  bone  for  this 
purpose,  a  fact  which  is  somewhat  suggestive  although  it  differs  in  shape 
from  the  celt.  Celts  with  one  side  flat  and  the  other  beveled  to  an  edge 
may  have  been  used  as  adzes.  From  the  worn  and  hammered  appearance 
of  the  polls  of  some  celts,  it  is  possible  that  many  of  these  implements  were 
used  as  wedges  in  splitting  wood  after  constant  manipulation  in  their  chop- 
ping capacity  had  permanently  dulled  their  edges. 

The  celts  of  this  region  are,  as  a  general  thing,  poorly  made,  a  pebble  of 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Coastal  Algonkin. 


217 


suitable  shape  having  an  edge  ground  on  it  with  little  or  no  preliminary 
shaping.  However,  more  rarely,  they  were  carefully  worked  all  over  by 
pecking  and  polishing  as  in  the  case  of  the  grooved  axe. 

In  type,  aside  from  the  general  division  of  rough  and  worked  celts,  we 
may  add  that  most  celts  in  this  region  have  slightly  rounded  polls,  the  bit 
broader  than  the  butt,  although  some  exceptions  have  been  found.  The 
forms  are  as  follows:  a,  rough  stone  celts,  pebbles  with  one  end  ground 
to  an  edge,  but  otherwise  scarcely  worked:  and  b,  worked  stone  celts,  which 
include  the  following: 

1.  Wedge-shaped,  poll  narrower  than  bit,  and  angles  rounded ;  common. 

2.  Like  number  one,  but  with  bit  much  broader  than  poll.    Very  rare. 

Cross-section  oval. 

3.  Like  number  one,  but  one  side  flat,  other  beveled  at  one  end  to  make 

a  cutting  edge. 

4.  Like  number  two,  but  with  cutting  edge  flaring,  broader  than  body. 

"Bell- mouthed  type."    Very  rare. 

North  and  west  of  this  region,  we  find  the  Iroquois  territory  where  most 
worked  celts  are  angular,  having  almost  invariably  a  rectangular  cross  section 
and  squared  butt.  Types  1  and  3  also  occur,  but  the  celt  with  the  rectangu- 
lar cross  section  seems  most  typical  of  the  Iroquoian  region.  Many  small 
celts,  made  of  flat  fragments  or  chips  of  stone,  are  also  found  in  this  area, 
and  these  could  scarcely  have  had  a  use  as  chopping  tools. 

In  the  Niagara  watershed  and  extending  eastward  as  far  as  the  Genesee 
valley,  an  angular  adze  like  form  having  a  trapezoidal  cross  section  occurs. 
It  is  found  principally  in  what  was  the  territory  of  the  Attiwandaronk,  Kah- 
Kwah,  or  Neutral  Nation  (an  Iroquoian  tribe,  early  annihilated  by  the  Five 
Nations).  It  also  occurs,  as  has  been  stated,  on  the  sites  of  villages  of  the 
Iroquois  proper,  but  is  riot  abundant.  South  of  the  Iroquois  in  central 
Pennsylvania,  another  form  which  does  not  occur  in  this  region  is  the  chipped 
celt,  usually  of  flint  or  other  hard  stone.  This  form  is,  however,  frequent  in 
the  country  about  the  headwaters  of  the  Delaware. 

In  the  "American  Anthropologist,"  Vol.  9,  No.  2,  p.  296  et  seq.,  Mr. 
C.  C.  Willoughby  has  figured  and  described  the  celts  of  the  New  England 
region  with  remarks  on  the  methods  of  hafting  employed.  These  seem  to 
be  two  in  number,  and  consist,  in  the  case  of  the  larger  forms,  of  setting  the 
blade  through  a  hole  in  the  end  of  a  club  like  handle,  the  butt  or  poll  pro- 
jecting on  one  side  and  the  blade  on  the  other  as  in  Fig.  34,  found  in  the 
muck  of  a  pond  bottom  at  Thorndale,  Dutchess  County,  New  York,  a  region 
once  in  the  Mahican  territory.  Smaller  celts  were  set  into  a  club-like  handle, 
the  butt  resting  in  a  hole  or  socket. 

Adzes.    These  seem  to  he  of  two  kinds,  the  first  and  most  simple  being 


218         Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


celt-like,  but  flat  on  one  side,  the  other  side  being  beveled  to  an  edge  on  one 
side.  The  second  form  is  like  the  latter,  save  that  it  is  grooved  and  the 
groove  is  not  infrequently  ridged.  Occasionally,  adzes  with  two  parallel 
grooves  occur.  It  was  probably  hafted  by  taking  a  stick  at  one  end  of 
which  projected  a  short  arm  at  right  angles  with  the  shaft,  laying  the  flat 
side  of  the  blade  against  this  arm  and  binding  it  on  with  sinew,  thongs  or 
withes.  The  groove,  of  course,  being  of  aid  in  securing  the  blade  to  the 
handle.    Adzes  of  stone,  hafted  in  this  manner,  have  been  obtained  on  the 


Fig.  34  (1-1865).  A  hafted  Celt  from  a  Pond  at  Thorndale,  Dutchess  Co.,  N.  Y.  Length 
of  celt  16.6  cm. 


North  Pacific  coast.  The  celt  adze  seems  not  uncommon,  but  the  grooved 
adze  is  rare,  neither  form  being  nearly  so  abundant  as  in  the  New  England 
region. 

Gouges.  The  stone  gouge  is  rare,  and  seems  always  to  be  a  plain, 
single-bladed  affair  without  the  transverse  grooves  so  frequently  seen  in 
New  England  specimens,  and  hereabouts  is  always  easily  distinguished 
from  the  adze.  Less  than'  half  a  dozen  specimens  have  been  seen  by  the 
writer  from  this  entire  area,  although  probably  quite  as  much  work  in*  wood 
was  done  by  the  New  York  coastal  Algonkin  as  by  the  New  England  Indians. 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Coastal  Algonkin. 


219 


Pestles.  The  long  pestle  occurs  throughout  the  region  of  the  Coastal 
Algonkin  of  New  York,  but  is  nowhere  as  abundant  as  in  New  England. 
They  seem  always  to  have  been  used  with  the  wooden  block  mortar  here- 
abouts, and  are  mentioned  by  the  early  writers  as  part  of  the  household 
equipment  of  the  natives.  They  do  not  seem  to  have  been  used  by  the 
Iroquois  to  the  north  and  west  of  this  area  either  in  early  or  later  times. 
The  wooden  pestle  of  dumb  bell  shape  seems  to  have  been  preferred  by 
them.  The  latter  is  used  by  the  Canadian  Delaware  and  may  have  taken 
the  place  of  the  long  stone  pestle  to  a  great  extent  in  this  region. 

Midlers,  Grinders,  and  Polishing  Stones.  These  are  frequent,  and 
consist  merely  of  rounded  pebbles,  shaped  and  worn  by  use,  probably  most 
often  in  crushing  corn.  They  are  mentioned  by  De  Vries  as  being  used  by 
the  Indians  with  a  flat  stone  slab  for  grinding  corn  when  travelling.  Some 
seem  to  have  been  used  for  polishing  stone  implements,  but  it  seems  hard  to 
draw  the  line  as  the  appearance  gained  from  friction  would  be  quite  similar. 
Such  mullers  and  their  attendant  slabs,  used  for  preparing  corn  meal  have 
been  collected  within  a  few  years  in  use  among  the  Oneida  Iroquois  of  New 
York,  one  specimen  being  in  the  Museum's  collection. 

Sinew  Stones.  These  are  pebbles  showing  grooves  along  the  edges, 
popularly  supposed  to  have  been  worn  there  by  rubbing  thongs  and  sinews 
across  the  edges  to  shape  them.    They  occur  generally,  but  are  not  common. 

Stone  Mortars.  These  are  common,  and  rather  local,  some  sites  having 
none  at  all,  and  others  a  good  many.  One  locality  on  Staten  Island  is  not- 
able for  the  numbers  found  there,  whereas  they  are  rare  elsewhere  in  that 
vicinity.    They  may  be  divided  into  the  following  types : 

1.  Portable  mortar,  hole  on  one  side. 

2.  Portable  mortar,  hole  on  both  sides  (New  Jersey  type). 

3.  Portable  slab  mortar  or  metate,  used  on  one  or  both  sides. 

4.  Boulder  mortar,  one  or  more  holes,  immovable. 

The  first  two  types  are  the  most  abundant,  the  third  is  not  uncommon; 
but  the  fourth  is  very  rare,  only  one  or  two  being  reported.  As  above  stated, 
De  Vries  claims  that  the  portable  mortars  were  used  in  bread-making,  while 
the  Indians  were  traveling;  but  certainly  the  majority  of  those  found  are 
far  too  heavy  for  this  purpose. 

Pigments,  Paint- cups,  etc.  Fragments  of  pigments  such  as  graphite 
and  limonite,  showing  the  marks  of  scratching  with  scrapers,  are  found, 
which  have  apparently  supplied  the  material  for  painting.  Worked  geodes 
are  common  on  many  sites.  These  show  traces  of  chipping  in  some  instances 
and  may  have  been  paint  cups.  There  is  a  tiny  pestle-shaped  pebble  in  the 
Museum  Collection  from  Westchester  County,  which  is  said  to  have  been 
found  with  a  geode  of  this  type.  The  popular  theory  is  that  such  geodes 
were  used  as  " paint  cups"  and  this  seems  probable. 


220         Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


Stone  Plummets.  These  are  verv  rare,  in  contrast  to  their  abundance 
in  the  New  England  region.  .They  consist  usually  of  small  worked  egg- 
shaped  stones,  grooved  at  one  end,  probably  for  suspension.  The  writer 
has  seen  but  one,  from  this  area.    Their  use  is  problematic. 

Stone  Masks.  While  a  number  of  these  interesting  human  masks,  or 
heads,  have  been  recorded  from  New  Jersey  by  Mr.  C.  C.  Abbott  and  others, 
and  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  Mr.  Arthur  C.  Parker  reports  that  several  have 
been  found  in  Mahican  territory  along  the  Hudson,  only  one  has  been  listed 
within  the  scope  of  our  paper.  This  was  found  near  Grasmere,  Staten  Island, 
and  is  described  on  page  21  (Plate  ix).  It  is  one  of  the  best  examples  of 
Indian  stone  art  from  this  region,  and  in  point  of  excellence  and  skill  of 
workmanship  is  quite  unique,  especially  for  New  England  and  the  Middle 
Atlantic  States.  It,  no  doubt,  had  some  importance  to  its  makers,  judging 
from  contemporary  accounts  and  modern  Lenape"  ethnology  where  carvings 
of  the  human  face  are  highly  significant. 

Semilunar  Knives.  Knives  of  rubbed  slate,  similar  in  appearance  to 
the  Ulu  or  woman's  knife  of  the  Eskimo  are  found,  though  rarely,  in  this 
region.  While  sometimes  ascribed  to  Eskimo  influence  or  contact,  it  is 
possible  that  this  form  (which  occurs  throughout  New  England)  judging 
by  its  distribution,  may  have  been  native  to  the  eastern  Algonkin  also.  The 
eastern  Cree  still  use  knives  of  this  type  as  scrapers.  Like  most  other  forms 
common  in  New  England,  it  is  less  abundant  in  the  southern  part  of  this 
area. 

Stone  Beads.  Various  pebbles  generally  perforated  naturally  are  to  be 
found  on  some  sites,  and  may  or  may  not  have  been  used  as  beads  or  pend- 
ants. On  Staten  Island,  at  Watchogue,  Mr.  Isaiah  Merrill  once  owned  a 
number  of  square  beads  of  pinkish  steatite  (?),  all  but  one  of  which  have 
been  lost,  and  which  he  claims  were  found  on  his  farm. 

Polished  Stone  Articles. 

Gorgets.  Two  types  of  the  gorget  occur.  These  are  the  single-holed 
pendant  form,  which  is  the  least  abundant  of  the  two,  and  the  double-holed 
type.  The  latter  is  flat,  rectangular  in  shape  and  generally  well  polished. 
It  usually  has  two  perforations  a  short  distance  from  the  middle.  The 
modern  Lenape"  of  Canada  claim  to  have  used  these  as  hair  ornaments. 
Probably  the  two  holed  variety  is  typical  of  the  Algonkin  peoples  of  this 
region,  the  single-holed  form  being  on  the  other  hand,  the  most  abundant 
on  old  Iroquoian  sites.  Specimens  of  the  latter  have  been  obtained  in  use 
among  the  Canadian  Iroquois,  and  some  of  them  are  in  the  Museum  col- 
lections. 

Amulets.    Certain  problematic  articles  of  the  "bar"  and  even  "bird 


1909.] 


Skinner.  Coastal  Algonkin. 


221 


amulet"  type  have  been  found;  but  these  are  probably  exotic  in  origin  and 
are  not  characteristic  of  the  archaeology  of  the  region  in  question. 

Banner  Stones.  These  beautiful  polished  stone  implements  of  unknown 
use  may  be  divided  into  three  great  classes,  with  several  sub-types  as  follows : 

1.  Notched  banner  stones. 

2.  Grooved  banner  stones. 

a.  Groove  on  both  sides. 

b.  Groove  on  one  side. 

3.  Perforated  banner  stones. 

a.  Plain. 

b.  Butterfly. 

All  three  types  seem  equally  abundant,  but  the  notched  banner  stones 
appear  to  be  the  oldest  form  and  occur  under  circumstances  pointing  to 
great  relative  antiquity.  They  are  found,  however,  on  the  more  recent  sites 
as  well.  Both  notched  and  grooved  banner  stones  are  usually  more  rough 
in  appearance  than  the  perforated  type,  and  the  writer  has  never  seen  a 
polished  specimen  of  the  first  class.  On  the  other  hand,  the  grooved  va- 
riety is  not  infrequently  as  well  finished,  as  the  perforated  forms  are  invari- 
ably. Banner  stones  grooved  only  on  one  side  are  less  common  than  the 
other  forms.  While  the  latter  class  is  generally  made  of  slate,  steatite,  or 
some  similar  soft  and  easily  worked  material  the  notched  and  grooved 
forms,  especially  the  former,  are  often  formed  either  from  naturally-shaped 
pebbles  or  chipped  roughly  into  shape.  Implements,  usually  naturally- 
shaped  stones  with  little  working,  without  notches,  grooves  or  perforations, 
but  greatly  resembling  the  notched  and  grooved  banner  stones  in  shape,  are 
not  infrequently  found  on  aboriginal  sites  hereabouts  and  may  have  served 
as  banner  stones.  There  seem  to  be  neither  records  nor  plausible  theories 
as  to  their  use. 

Pipes.  Stone  pipes,  invariably  made  of  steatite,  are  very  rare.  Four 
types  have  been  noted  as  follows : 

1.  Monitor  or  platform  pipe,  platform  not  projecting  before  the  bowl. 

2.  Monitor  or  platform  pipe,  platform  projecting  before  bowl,  with  or 
without  tiny  carved  stem  or  mouthpiece.  Of  the  latter,  one  speci- 
men is  known. 

3.  Trumpet-shaped  stone  pipe. 

4.  Rectangular  stone  pipe,  human  face  carved  on  front  of  bowl. 

It  may  be  remarked  that  more  stone  pipes  have  been  reported  from  the 
Indian  cemetery  at  Burial  Ridge,  Tottenville,  Staten  Island,  than  from  all 
the  rest  of  the  area  put  together.  The  second  and  third  types  are  repre- 
sented by  one  specimen  each  from  Burial  Ridge,  and  from  nowhere  else  in 
this  region.  Four  or  five  pipes  of  the  first  class  have  been  found  there  as 
well.    The  last  class  is  represented  by  a  single  specimen  obtained  by  Mr. 


222         Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


W.  L.  Calver  at  Inwood,  Manhattan  Island.  Undoubtedly  the  clay  pipe 
was  the  most  common  form  used  in  this  locality. 

Steatite  Vessels.  These  are  not  at  all  abundant,  though  occurring  almost 
everywhere.  They  were  doubtless  all  imported  from  New  England  as  there 
are  no  steatite  quarries  within  the  range  of  the  New  York  Coastal  Algonkin. 
The  single  form  found  is  that  common  in  the  east,  an  oblong,  fairly  deep 
vessel  with  a  lug,  ear  or  handle  at  each  end  (Fig.  35  j).  Occasionally,  such 
vessels  are  ornamented  by  rude  incisions  along  the  rim. 

Articles  of  Clay. 

Pottery  Pipes  are  common  everywhere.  They  are  usually  manufactured 
of  a  better  quality  of  clay  than  that  used  for  the  vessels,  and  bear  fairly 
similar  designs.    They  are  susceptible  of  division  into  the  following  classes: 

1.  Straight  pipe,  bowl  expanding  slightly. 

2.  Bowl  much  larger  than  stem,  leaving  it  at  an  angle  of  forty-five 
degrees.    Stem  round. 

3.  Same  as  number  2,  but  stem  angular  and  much  flattened. 

4.  Effigy  pipes,  (represented  by  a  pottery  human  head  apparently 
broken  from  a  pipe  bowl,  obtained  by  Mr.  M.  R.  Harrington  at  Port 
Washington,  Long  Island). 

The  straight  pipe  seems  to  have  been  obtained  only  on  Staten  Island  on 
the  north  shore  in  the  region  occupied  by  the  Hackensack.  While  nowhere 
as  abundant  as  upon  the  Iroquoian  sites  of  central  and  western  New  York,  the 
clay  pipe  is  quite  common,  and  is  a  prominent  feature  in  the  coast  culture  of 
New  York  (Fig.  30a).  It  is  more  abundant  perhaps  in  the  southern  part 
of  the  area,  but  this  may  well  be  due  to  the  fact  that  data  from  this  region  is 
more  easily  accessible.  The  triangular  stemmed  "trumpet"  pipe  so  com- 
mon on  the  Iroquoian  sites,  is  unknown  in  this  region. 

Pottery  Vessels. 

The  pottery  of  this  region  may  all  be  considered  as  being  either  the  native 
Algonkian  in  type  or  showing  Iroquoian  influence  with  a  third  and  inter- 
mediate variety.  Algonkian  vessels  may  be  divided  into  the  following 
groups  according  to  shape: 

1.  Conical,  pointed  bottom,  slightly  swollen  sides,  circumference 
largest  at  the  mouth.    The  typical  Algonkin  pot  of  this  area,  Fig.  35a. 

2.  Like  number  1,  but  much  rounder  and  broader,  Fig.  35b. 

3.  Bottom  pointed,  sides  slightly  swollen,  neck  slightly  constricted, 
Fig.  35c. 

4.  Identical  with  number  2,  except  that  just  below  the  beginning  of  the 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Coastal  Algonkin. 


223 


neck,  occur  small  raised  lugs,  ears  or  handles.  This  is  rare  from  this  area, 
Fig.  35d. 

5.  Rounded  bottom,  somewhat  constricted  neck,  lip  sometimes  flaring, 
or  even  turning  down  and  back,  Fig.  35e. 

The  intermediate  types  are  as  follows : 

6.  Rounded  bottom,  constricted  neck,  narrow  raised  rim  or  collar, 
Fig.  35f. 

7.  Like  number  6,  but  with  sides  more  elongated  and  bottom  more  oval 


Fig.  35.    Pottery  Forms  of  the  Coastal  Algonkin. 


than  round,  heavier  collar,  generally  notched  angle,  with  or  without  a  series 
of  small  humps  or  projections  at  intervals,  Fig.  35g. 
The  Iroquoian  types  are  as  follows: 

8.  Mouth  rounded,  collar  or  rim  heavy,  with  humps  or  peaks  at  intervals, 
angle  notched,  neck  constricted  and  bottom  rounded;  can  stand  by  itself, 
an  unknown  feature  in  local  Algonkian  vessels,  Fig.  35h. 


224         Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


9.  Same  as  number  7,  but  with  mouth  square,  and  humps  at  every 
angle.    Much  less  common  than  the  preceding,  Fig.  35i. 

In  size,  the  vessels  range  from  small  toy- like  pots  to  jars  of  very  large 
capacity.  In  general  they  appear  to  have  been  made  by  the  coil  process, 
and  are  tempered  with  pounded  stone  or  fine  gravel,  mica,  or  burned  or 
pounded  shell.  Sherds  showing  tempering  by  fibre  or  some  other  substance 
that  disappeared  in  firing  are  rarely  found.  When  vessels  were  cracked  or 
broken,  a  series  of  holes  was  bored  opposite  each  other  on  either  side  of  the 
break  and  the  fracture  laced  together,  rendering  the  vessel  capable  of  storing 
dry  objects,  at  least. 

Life  forms  are  exceedingly  rare  in  local  ceramic  art.  From  Manhattan 
Island  and  Van  Cortlandt  Park,  there  come  a  number  of  specimens  show- 
ing incised  human  ( ?)  faces.  This  is  not  an  uncommon  form  on  Iroquoian 
sites  in  central  and  western  New  York  (Fig.  14b  and  15).  On  the  Bowman's 
Brook  site  at  Mariner's  Harbor,  Staten  Island  fragments  of  a  typically 
Algonkian  pot  were  obtained  which  bore  at  intervals,  rude  raised  faces 
(Fig.  3e).  With  the  sole  exception  of  a  rather  well-modelled  clay  face, 
apparently  broken  from  the  bowl  of  a  pipe  (Fig.  36b)  found  at  Port  Washing- 


Fig.  36.  a  (20-4642),  b  (20-4526).  Typical  Algonkin  Pottery  Pipes  from  Port  Washing- 
ton, L.  I.,  and  fragment  of  an  effigy  Pipe  from  the  same  Locality. 

ton,  Long  Island,  by  Mr.  M.  R.  Harrington,  this  brief  statement  con- 
cludes the  list  of  pottery  life  forms  reported  from  this  area,  although  others 
may  yet  be  found  here,  since  some  interesting  objects  have  been  collected 
in  immediately  adjacent  territory. 

The  forms  of  decoration  consist  of  stamping  with  a  stamp,  roulette  or 
paddle,  and  incision.  (Figs.  37  and  38.)  Occasionally,  but  very  rarely, 
stucco  work  occurs.  Under  stamping  we  can  enumerate  the  following 
processes : 

1 .  Impression  with  the  rounded  end  of  a  stick  (rare). 

2.  Impression  with  the  end  of  a  quill,  or  hollow  reed,  leaving  a  circular 
depression  with  a  tiny  lump  or  nipple  (rare)  in  the  center. 

3.  Impression  with  a  section  of  a  hollow  reed,  making  a  stamped  circle 
(rare). 

4.  Impression  with  finger  nail  (doubtful,  but  perhaps  used  on  some 
sherds  from  Manhattan  Island). 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Coastal  Algonkin. 


225 


  //////  /////////////// 


Fig.  37.  a  (20-4419),  6  (20-2810),  f  (20-2913),  (20-3007),  Incised  Designs  from 
Pottery  Vessels:  a,  6,  and  d,  designs  from  Iroquoian  vessels;  c,  design  from  an  Algonkian  vessel; 
e,  design  from  a  vessel  of  the  Iroquoian  type  from  a  Connecticut  rock-shelter,  introduced  here 
for  comparison. 


226 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


5.  Impression  of  the  edge  of  a  scallop  shell. 

6.  Impression  with  a  carved  bone,  antler,  or  wooden  stamp. 

7.  Impression  of  a  cord-wrapped  stick. 

8.  Impression  with  roulette. 

Under  the  head  of  decoration  by  incision  we  can  enumerate  the  following: 

9.  Incised  decoration,  probably  made  with  a  stick. 

10.  Incised  decoration,  possibly  made  with  a  flint  object  (only  one 
specimen  at  hand). 

The  paddle  was  frequently  used  to  finish  the  sides  and  bottom  of  the  pot 
by  imparting  an  appearance  of  pressure  with  fabric  when  the  clay  was  wet. 

11.  Stucco.  Occasionally,  ridges  of  clay  placed  on  the  rim  for  orna- 
ment appear  to  have  been  added  after  the  shaping  of  the  vessel. 

Ornamentation  is  usually  external,  and  vessels,  either  Algonkian  or 


Fig.  38.    a  (20-4568),  b  (20-4655).    Incised  Designs  from  Algonkin  Vessels. 


Iroquoian,  are  rarely  ornamented  below  the  rim,  although  occasionally  the 
designs  run  part  way  down  the  side  in  the  case  of  the  Algonkian  forms. 
Where  decoration  has  been  applied  by  one  of  the  stamping  processes,  and 
more  rarely  by  incision,  it  is  sometimes  continued  over  the  lip  or  rim  for  an 
inch  or  less  on  the  inside.  This  only  occurs  in  the  typical  Algonkian  forms, 
and  is  never  seen  when  incised  ornamentation  is  used.  The  rims  of  Iro- 
quoian vessels  are  never  ornamented  on  the  interior,  nor  is  stamping  so 
frequently  practised  on  vessels  of  this  class.  The  intermediate  forms,  at 
least  the  firsl  of  the  two  mentioned,  are  frequently  ornamented  on  the  interior 
of  the  lip.  This  internal  decoration  is  much  more  common  in  the  southern 
portion  of  this  area  than  elsew  here  in  the  vicinity. 

In  design,  we  must  of  course,  give  up  all  thought  of  trying  to  obtain 
symbolism,  if  such  there  were,  for  there  are  no  sources  now  left  upon  which 
to  base  our  assumptions.  Certain  conventional  types  of  decoration  seem 
to  have  been  in  vogue,  usually  consisting  in  rows  of  stamped  or  incised  paral- 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Coastal  Algonkin. 


227 


lei  lines  and  much  more  rarely  of  dots  regularly  arranged  in  the  same  manner. 
Zigzag,  chevron  and  "herring  bone"  patterns  are  the  most  common,  but 
other  angular  forms  occur,  and  rows  of  parallel  lines  encircling  the  vessel 
are  sometimes  to  be  found.  Stamping  and  incision  as  decorative  processes 
never  seem  to  occur  on  the  same  vessel.  Curvilinear  decoration  is  exceed- 
ingly rare,  and  not  enough  material  is  at  hand  to  show  that  patterns  were 
used;  possibly  these  were  scrolls  of  some  form.  On  account  of  the  lack  of 
material,  it  cannot  be  determined  whether  the  designs  on  the  Algonkian 
vessels  differ  from  those  on  the  Iroquoian,  except  in  a  very  general  and 
unsatisfactory  way. 

The  angle  caused  where  the  heavy  rim  or  collar  leaves  the  constricted 
neck  of  the  Iroquoian  vessel  is  almost  invariably  notched,  and  as  such  collars 
and  angles  do  not  occur  on  vessels  of  the  true  Algonkian  type,  this  feature  is 
necessarily  absent  from  them.  It  is  noticeable  that  Iroquoian  vessels  are 
usually  decorated  with  incised  designs,  rather  than  stamped  patterns. 

Pottery  is  found  abundantly  on  the  majority  of  the  sites  in  this  district; 
bdt,  while  very  much  more  common  than  in  the  New  England  area,  it  does 
not  equal  in  abundance  that  from  the  Iroquois  country.  It  is  rarely  found 
buried  in  graves  with  skeletons  as  in  the  Iroquoian  area;  when  sometimes 
found  in  graves,  however,  it  is  usually  at  some  distance  from  the  human 
remains  and  apparently  not  connected  with  them.  Whole  or  nearly  whole 
vessels  are  exceedingly  rare  and  the  number  of  those  found  up  to  date  may 
easily  be  counted  upon  the  fingers.  Potsherds  taken  from  pits  or  shell 
heaps,  where  they  have  not  been  exposed  to  the  action  of  the  weather  are 
often  as  thickly  covered  with  grease  as  when  they  were  broken  and  cast  aside. 

Articles  of  Metal. 

Beads.  Beads  of  native  metal,  consisting  simply  of  a  piece  of  hammered 
sheet  copper  rolled  into  a  small  tube,  have  been  found,  but  they  are  very 
rare.  Copper  salts  but  no  objects,  were  found  upon  the  bones,  especially 
on  those  of  the  head  and  neck,  of  a  child's  skeleton  at  Burial  Ridge,  Totten- 
ville,  Staten  Island,  which  seemed  to  predicate  the  use  of  copper  beads.  A 
great  many  beads  of  olivella  shell,  some  of  them  discolored  by  copper  salts 
were  found  about  the  neck  of  the  skeleton.  A  single  celt  of  copper  is  said 
to  have  been  found  in  Westchester  County,  probably  on  Croton  Neck, 
slightly  above  the  limit  of  the  territory  treated  by  this  paper.  No  native 
copper  occurs  in  this  region,  and  any  of  this  material  must  have  been  brought 
from  a  distance. 


228 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


Articles  of  Shell. 

Wampum.  Objects  of  shell  are  not  at  all  common,  and  notwithstanding 
the  coast  region  of  New  York  was  one  of  the  best  known  localities  for  wam- 
pum manufacture  on  the  continent,  wampum  beads  are  almost  unknown 
from  local  sites.  With  the  exception  of  completed  beads,  most  of  which  may 
have  been  shipped  into  the  interior,  wampum  may  be  found  in  all  stages  of 
manufacture.  We  refer  to  the  white  wampum,  for  traces  of  the  blue  "  black" 
wampum  made  from  the  hard  clam  or  quahog,  are  so  far  not  reported. 
The  process  may  be  shown  by  shells  with  the  outer  whorls  broken  away  in 
steps  until  the  innermost  solid  column  is  reached,  ground  and  polished  at  the 
end,  and  needing  only  cutting  off  into  sections  and  perforations  to  make  the 
finished  white  wampum  bead.  These  do  not  occur  on  all  sites,  though  they 
have  been  found  here  and  there  throughout  the  region.  Ninety-six  conch 
shells  with  the  outer  whorls  broken  entirely  away  were  found  in  a  grave  at 
Burial  Ridge,  Tottenville,  Staten  Island,  about  the  head  and  neck  of  a 
skeleton. 

Pendant*.  Occasionally  oyster  and  clam  shells,  found  unworked  save 
for  perforations  in  them,  may  have  been  pendants  or  ornaments,  but  cer- 
tainly have  little  aesthetic  value. 

Scrapers.  Clam  shells  seem  to  have  been  used  as  scrapers  and  some  are 
occasionally  found  with  one  edge  showing  the  effect  of  rubbing  and  wearing. 
These  are  rare,  however.  Some  may  have  been  pottery  smoothers;  clam 
shells  have  been  reported  which  contained  central  perforations  and  were 
identical  in  appearance  with  sonic  shell  pottery  scrapers  and  smoothers  col- 
lected by  Mr.  M.  R.  Harrington  among  the  Catawba.  Contemporary 
writers  mention  the  use  of  knives  made  of  shell. 

Pottery  Tern pering.  This  was  sometimes  done  with  calcined  and  pounded 
shells,  but  was  uncommon  considering  the  abundance  of  the  material  at 
hand.    Pounded  stone  or  gravel  seems  to  have  been  more  favored. 

Pottery  Stamps.  The  corrugated  edge  of  a  scallop  shell  was  frequently 
used  as  a  stamp  for  pottery,  as  may  be  seen  by  examining  the  potsherds 
from  this  region  (Fig.  17). 

Fossils. 

Fossil  shark's  teeth  usually  of  some  species  of  Charcharodon,  and 
probably  from  the  Ashley  River  district  of  South  Carolina,  are  occasionally 
found  on  village  sites  where  they  may  have  been  brought  by  the  Indians. 
They  are  unworked,  and,  if  used  by  the  Indians,  their  purpose  is  problema- 
tic, although  the  size  and  appearance  of  some  suggest  a  function  as  arrow 
points. 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Coastal  Algonkin. 


229 


Articles  of  Bone  and  Antler. 

Objects  of  bone  and  antler,  while  perhaps  more  abundant  here  than  in 
New  England,  are  far  less  plentiful  in  form  and  number  than  in  the  Iro- 
quoian  area.  Cut  bones  are  frequent  in  most  shell  pits  and  heaps.  They 
were  cut  by  grooving  the  bone  partially  through  on  all  sides,  probably  with  a 
flint  knife,  and  breaking. 

Bone  Awls.  These  utensils  are  the  most  common  of  all  bone  articles 
in  this  region,  and  are  found  in  almost  every  part  of  the  area.  Some  are 
merely  sharpened  slivers;  but  others  show  a  considerable  degree  of  work, 
and  are  well  finished  and  polished.  They  are  usually  made  of  deer  or  other 
mammal  bone,  but  sometimes  from  the  leg  bones  of  birds. 

In  some  instances,  the  joint  of  the  bone  is  left  for  a  handle,  but  these  are 
often  cut  off.  Grooved,  perforated,  or  decorated  bone  awls  are  extremely 
rare  in  this  region.  While  it  is  generally  considered  that  these  bone  tools 
were  used  as  awls  in  sewing  leather,  as  by  modern  shoemakers,  nevertheless, 
they  may  have  served  as  forks  in  removing  hot  morsels  from  the  pot  or  for  a 
number  of  other  purposes.  The  latter  supposition  is  supported  by  the 
abundance  of  bone  awls  found  in  some  shell  pits.  The  Northern  Cree  of 
the  Hudson's  Bay  region  use  a  similar  bone  implement  as  the  catching  or 
striking  pin  in  the  "cup  and  ball"  game. 

Bone  Needles.  These  are  rare,  but  found  in  most  localities.  They  are 
generally  made  of  the  curved  ribs  of  mammals,  and  are  six  or  eight  inches 
long,  and  even  longer.  They  are  generally  broken  across  the  eye  which  is 
usually  midway  between  the  ends.  A  few  with  the  perforations  at  one  end 
have  been  reported. 

Bone  Arrow  Points,  usually  hollow  and  conical  in  shape,  have  been  found, 
especially  at  Tottenville,  Staten  Island,  in  the  Burial  Ridge  (p.  15).  They 
are  rather  rare,  but  this  may  be  due  to  the  fact  that  conditions  are  not  suitable 
for  their  preservation  in  most  localities.  Others  are  flat  and  triangular  in 
shape. 

Harpoons.  No  actual  barbed  bone  harpoons,  such  as  occur  in  the 
Iroquois  country  have  been  reported  from  this  region;  although  the  writer 
has  seen  what  appeared  to  be  part  of  one  from  Shinnecock  Hills,  Long 
Island,  from  whence  comes  a  harpoon  barb  of  bone,  found  by  the  writer, 
now  in  the  Museum  collection,  which  was  apparently  made  to  tie  to  a  wooden 
shaft.  While  neither  of  these  forms  seem  to  occur  within  this  region,  several 
naturally  barbed  spines  from  the  tail  of  the  sting-ray,  found  on  the  Bow- 
man's Brook  site,  at  Mariner's  Harbor,  Staten  Island,  may  have  been  used 
as  harpoons  or  fish  spears,  for  which  purpose  they  were  admirably  suited  by 


230         Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


nature.  Long,  narrow,  chipped  stone  arrow-heads  are  generally  called 
"fish  points"  but  they  do  not  seem  peculiarly  adapted  for  this  purpose  and 
the  name  is  probably  a  misnomer.  No  bone  fish  hooks  are  reported  from 
hereabouts,  though  suggested  by  early  writers. 

Bone  Bead*  and  Tubes.  While  so  abundant  on  Iroquoian  sites,  tubes 
and  beads  made  of  hollow  bird  or  other  animal  bones,  polished,  and  cut 
in  sections,  are  very  rare  here. 

Draw  Shaves,  or  Beaming  Tools,  made  of  bone,  and  probably  used  for 
removing  the  hair  from  skins,  were  made  by  splitting  the  bone  of  a  deer's 
leg,  leaving  a  sharp  blade  in  the  middle  with  the  joints  on  either  end  as  han- 
dles. The  writer  has  seen  none  from  this  immediate  region,  but  they  are 
reported  by  Mr.  M.  R.  Harrington.  A  number  were  obtained  for  the 
Museum  by  Mr.  Ernst  Yolk  in  the  Lenape  sites  near  Trenton,  New  Jersey. 
An  implement,  evidently  made  of  the  scapula  of  a  deer,  and  perhaps  used  as  a 
scraper,  was  found  in  a  grave  at  Burial  Ridge,  Tottenville,  Staten  Island,  by 
Mr.  George  H.  Pepper  (p.  23). 

Worked  Teeth.  Perforated  teeth  of  the  bear,  wolf,  and  other  animals, 
so  abundant  on  Iroquoian  sites  never  seem  to  be  found  here.  Beavers' 
teeth,  cut  and  ground  to  an  edge  occur,  and  may  have  been  used  as  chisels, 
or  primitive  crooked  knives,  or  both,  as  they  were  till  recently  by  some  of 
the  eastern  Canadian  Algonkin.  Other  cut  beaver  teeth  may  have  served 
as  dice  or  counters  in  gaming. 

Turtle  Shell  Cups.  These  are  common,  and  consist  merely  of  the  bony 
carapace  of  the  box  turtle  (Tranene  Caroline),  scraped  and  cleaned  inside, 
the  ribs  being  cut  away  from  the  covering  to  finish  the  utensil  for  use. 

Turtle  Shell  Rattles.  'A  single  box  turtle  carapace,  collected  at  Pelham 
Bay  Park,  by  Mr.  M.  R.  Harrington,  which  is  now  in  the  Museum's  collec- 
tion shows  a  series  of  perforations  on  the  top,  not  unlike  those  found  on  the 
turtle  knee  rattles  still  to  be  seen  further  south  among  the  Muskhogean 
peoples.    This  object  may  have  had  a  similar  use. 

Antler  Implements.  Deer  antlers  and  fragments  of  antler,  worked  and 
unworked,  occur  in  all  shell  heaps  and  pits.  When  whole  antlers  are  found, 
they  usually  show  at  the  base  the  marks  of  the  axe  or  other  implement  used 
to  detach  them  from  the  skull.  Cut  antler  prongs,  prongs  broken  from  the 
main  shaft  and  others  partially  hollowed  and  sharpened  show  the  process  of 
manufacture  of  antler  arrow  points.  These  are  characteristic  of  this  area 
and  are  usually  conical  in  shape,  hollowed  to  receive  the  shaft,  and  with  one 
or  more  barbs;  not  infrequently,  however,  they  are  diamond-shaped  in 
cross  section.  The  shaft  fitted  into  the  hollow  socket  as  in  the  case  of  the 
conical  bone  arrow  points.  A  large  number  were  found  in  and  among  the 
bones  of  human  skeletons  in  a  grave  at  the  Burial  Ridge,  Tottenville,  Staten 
Island. 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Coastal  Algonkin. 


231 


Cylinders,  neatly  cut  and  worked  all  over,  or  cylindrical  tines  made  of 
deer  antler  only  cut  and  rounded  at  the  ends,  are  not  infrequent,  and  were 
probably  used  as  flaking  tools  in  making  and  finishing  arrow  points  by 
pressure.  One  broken  cylinder  or  pin,  found  on  the  Bowman's  Brook  site, 
Mariner's  Harbor,  Staten  Island,  had  a  rounded  neatly  carved  head.  This 
specimen,  however,  seems  to  be  unique. 

Pottery  stamps,  perhaps  of  antler  or  bone,  but  which  may  be  of  wood, 
seem  to  have  been  used,  judging  by  the  decorations  of  many  pottery  sherds. 
A  pottery  stamp,  carved  from  antler,  was  found  slightly  east  of  this  region, 
at  Dosoris,  Glen  Cove,  Long  Island,  by  Mr.  M.  R.  Harrington,  and  is  now 
in  the  Museum's  collections. 

Trade  Articles. 

In  spite  of  the  frequent  mention  by  old  writers  of  barter  of  European  for 
Indian  goods,  the  amount  of  trade  material  found  is  small  indeed.  While  it 
is  abundant  in  the  Iroquoian  area,  all  that  has  ever  been  found  here  con- 
sists of  a  few  round-socketed  iron  tomahawks,  iron  hoes,  brass  or  copper 
arrow-points  of  various  styles,  a  little  porcelain,  a  few  glass  beads,  Venetian 
and  plain,  and  some  old  pipes,  notably  those  stamped  "R.  Tippet"  on  the 
bowl.  All  these  articles  are  very  rare  here,  and  for  this  no  adequate  expla- 
nation can  be  given. 

Conclusion. 

This  area  was  inhabited  during  historic  times  by  the  following  tribes:1 

A.  The  Lenni  Lenape,  or  Delaware,  ranging  from  the  Raritan  River, 
including  Staten  Island,  to  Saugerties  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Hudson. 

Raritan  or  Assanhican. 

Hackensack. 

Tappan. 

Aquakanonk. 

Haverstraw. 

Waranawankong. 

B.  The  Wappinger  Confederacy  ranging  along  the  east  bank  of  the 
Hudson,  eastward  to  Connecticut,  from  Manhattan  Island. 

Rechgawawank  or  Manhattan. 

Siwanoy. 

Weckquaskeck. 

1  On  the  map  shown  in  Fig.  36,  these  tribes  are  shown  together  with  the  Long  Island  and 
other  neighboring  tribes  as  indicated  by  Beauchamp  in  the  map  accompanying  his  "Aboriginal 
Occupation  of  New  York,"  New  York  State  Museum,  Bulletin  32,  Albany,  1900. 


232         Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 

Wappinger. 
C.    Montauk  or  Matouwack  Confederacy. 
Canarsie. 

These  tribes  were  surrounded  on  all  sides  by  neighbors  of  the  same 
stock,  who  differed  somewhat  in  their  language  and  culture.    On  the  south 


Fig.  39.    Map  showing  the  Location  of  the  New  York  Coastal  Algonkin  and  their  Neighbors. 


it  lit  1  west,  lav  the  Lenni  Lenape,  or  Delaware  proper;  on  the  north,  the 
Manhattan,  and  on  the  east  the  New  England  tribes.  Almost  without 
exception,  these  natives  were  displaced  early  in  the  history  of  this  country, 
and  have  been  long  since  expatriated  or  exterminated.    A  very  few  mixed 


1909.] 


Skinner,  Coastal  Algonkin. 


233 


bloods  may  yet  be  found  on  Staten  Island,  Long  Island,  and  Westchester 
County,  but  their  percentage  of  Indian  blood  is  extremely  low. 

The  remains  of  aboriginal  life  now  to  be  found,  consist  of  shell  heaps, 
occurring  at  every  convenient  point  along  the  coast,  on  the  rivers,  and, 
more  rarely,  inland.  Shell,  refuse,  and  fire  pits,  camp,  village,  and  burial 
sites,  and  rock,  and  cave  shelters,  most  of  which  have  been  so  fully  described 
in  the  preceding  papers  as  to  render  further  comment  unnecessary.  With 
one  prominent  exception  1  few  or  no  relics  have  been  found  in  graves.  The 
typical  intermentwas  of  the  flexed  variety,  but  bone  burials  are  not  infrequent. 

Dog  skeletons  complete  and  intact,  bearing  the  appearance  of  having 
been  laid  out,  are  sometimes  found  buried  in  separate  graves.  Some  writers 
have  supposed  that  these  individual  dog  burials  are  the  remains  of  "white 
dog  feasts,"  or  kindred  practices  because  the  Iroquois  even  up  to  the  present 
day  hold  such  ceremonies.  The  white  dog  is  entirely  cremated  by  the  Iro- 
quois, and  so  far  as  we  have  been  able  to  find  out,  there  is  no  record  of  such 
occurrences  among  the  coastal  Algonkin;  hence,  there  seems  no  reason  to 
attribute  this  custom  to  them  since  other  Iroquois  traits  were  so  infrequent. 
It  seems  more  probable  that  such  burials  are  simply  those  of  pet  animals, 
interred  as  we  to-day  honor  a  faithful  dog. 

Occasionally,  the  skeletons  of  dogs  and  rarely  of  other  animals  have  been 
found  in  graves  associated  with  human  bones.  The  finding  of  arrow  points 
among  the  ribs  of  some  of  these  and  other  circumstances  seem  to  point  to  a 
practice  of  killing  a  favorite  animal  on  the  death  of  its  owner  to  accompany 
or  protect  the  spirit  of  its  master  on  the  journey  to  the  hereafter. 

From  their  appearance  and  position,  many  graves  seem  to  indicate  that 
the  dead  may  sometimes  have  been  buried  under  the  lodge,  especially  in  time 
of  winter,  when  the  ground  outside  was  frozen  too  hard  to  permit  grave 
digging.  Others,  under  the  same  circumstances  seem  to  have  been  buried 
in  refuse  pits.  The  remains  also  indicate  that  "feasts  of  the  dead,"  were 
also  held  at  the  time  of  the  interment,  judging  by  the  quantity  of  oyster  shells 
and  animal  bones,  in  and  near  the  graves.  Some  graves  have  rows  or  layers 
of  oyster  shells  with  the  sharp  cutting  edge  upward,  placed  above  the  bodies 
as  if  to  prevent  wild  animals  from  disinterring  and  devouring  the  dead. 

An  interesting  fact,  brought  to  light  by  the  rock-shelter  work  of  Messrs. 
Schrabisch  and  Harrington  in  their  explorations  in  New  Jersey  and  West- 
chester County,  New  York,  is  that  in  the  lowest  and  oldest  refuse  layers  of 
these  shelters  pottery  does  not  occur.  It  would  be  ill  advised  to  infer  from 
this  that  the  earliest  occupants  were  peoples  of  another  culture  from  the 
surrounding  village  dwellers,  as  the  other  artifacts  found  are  quite  similar 


J  Burial  Ridge,  Tottenvilie,  Staten  Island. 


234         Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  Ill, 


to  the  implements  of  the  latter.  Many  reasons  for  this  lack  of  pottery,  such 
as  the  more  easy  transportation  of  vessels  of  bark  or  wood,  through  the 
mountains  and  hills  suggest -themselves,  though  more  or  less  nullified  by 
the  presence  of  pottery  in  the  upper  layers.  However,  the  upper  layer  may 
have  been  made  during  the  period  when  the  natives  were  being  displaced  by 
Europeans  and  at  the  same  time  subjected  to  Iroquoian  raids,  when  the 
villages  would  naturally  be  abandoned  from  time  to  time,  for  refuge  among 
the  cliffs  and  caves  of  the  mountain  fastnesses. 

It  has  been  suggested  that  the  rock  and  cave  shelters  are  remains  of  an 
older  occupation  by  people  with  or  without  the  same  culture  as  the  later 
known  savages.  The  nature  of  the  finds  does  not  support  this  view,  for  the 
specimens  obtained  are  often  of  as  good  workmanship  as  the  best  to  be  found 
in  the  villages  and  cemeteries  of  the  latter,  while  pottery,  on  the  other  hand, 
occurs  on  the  oldest  known  Algonkin  sites.  It  seems  most  probable  to  the 
writer  that,  like  the  shell  heaps,  the  rock  and  cave  shelters  form  but  a  com- 
ponent part,  or  phase,  of  the  local  culture,  perhaps  a  little  specialized  from 
usage  and  environment  but  contemporary  with  the  villages,  shell  heaps, 
and  cemeteries  of  the  lowlands. 

<  Mounds  and  earthworks  do  not  occur  in  the  region  under  consideration, 
nor  does  it  appear  that  most  of  the  Indian  villages  here  were  fortified,  unless 
they  were  slightly  stockaded.  A  number  of  instances  of  this  are  known 
historically,  however,  and  a  few  earthworks  occur  just  beyond  this  area.1 
The  remains  found,  do  not  bear  any  appearance  of  very  great  geological 
antiquity.  In  a  few  instances,  rock-shelters,  shell  heaps  and  village  sites 
seem  to  possess  a  relative  antiquity;  but  the  oldest  known  remains,  in  every 
case,  may  be  placed  as  Algonkian  with  considerable  certainty.  No  paleo- 
Hths  have  been  reported,  and  it  would  seem  from  the  comparative  lack  of 
antiquity -of  the  remains  that  the  natives  could  not  have  lived  in  this  region 
for  many  centuries  before  the  advent  of  the  whites.  The  accounts  of  con- 
temporary writers  prove  conclusively  that  these  archaeological  remains,  if 
not  those  left  by  Indians  found  here  by  the  early  Dutch  and  English  settlers, 
must  have  been  from  people  of  very  similar  culture.  In  culture,  the  local 
Indians  were  not  so  high  as  the  Iroquois,  nor  perhaps  the  Lenape  or  Dela- 
ware proper  from  whom  they  sprang;  but  they  compare  very  favorably  with 
the  New  England  tribes.  Absence  and  scarcity  of  certain  artifacts  such  as 
steatite  vessels,  the  long  stone  pestle,  the  gouge,  adze  and  plummet,  and  the 
abundance  and  character  of  bone  and  pottery  articles  show  them  to  have 
been  intermediate  in  character  between  the  Lenape"  on  the  south  and  west, 


1  An  earthwork  at  Croton  Point  on  the  Hudson  has  been  excavated  by  Mr.  M.  R.  Harring- 
ton for  this  institution. 


1909.J 


Skinner,  Coastal  Algonkin. 


235 


and  the  New  England  tribes  on  the  east  and  north;  and,  consultations  of 
the  old  European  contemporaries,  show  that  this  was  the  case  linguistically 
as  well  as  culturally.  Examination  of  the  remains  also  shows  that  the 
influence  of  the  Lenape  on  the  west,  and  of  the  New  England  peoples  on  the 
east,  was  most  strongly  felt  near  their  respective  borders.  Iroquoian  in- 
fluence was  strong,  as  evinced  by  the  pottery,  and  there  is  also  documentary 
evidence  to  this  effect.  Finally,  as  is  frequent  throughout  most  of  eastern 
North  America,  the  archaeological  remains  may  be  definitely  placed  as 
belonging  to  the  native  Indian  tribes  or  their  immediate  ancestors  who  held 
the  country  at  ihe  time  of  its  discovery. 


1909.] 


Index. 


237 


INDEX. 


Abbott,  C.  C,  21,  60,  140,  220. 

Abenaki,  22,  200. 

Adzes,  18,  60,  217-218. 

Agriculture,  190. 

Agricultural  Implements,  114. 

Ahakinsack,  53. 

Ah-qua-hung,  73,  78. 

Algonkin  Indians,  7,  11,  21,  26,  29,  44, 

54,  61,  183,  214,  219,  220,  230,  231; 

type  of  pottery,  55,  56,  57,  84,  174, 

222,  226. 
Amulets,  220. 

Andros,  Sir  Edmund,  105,  106. 

Animal  bones,  87,  91,  126,  150,  152,  162, 

172,  175. 

Antler,  arrows,  22;  implements,  7,  230; 
pin,  22;  points,  44,  113;  prongs,  22, 
119,  173;  tips,  14;  tools,  21. 

Anvils,  19,  171,  215. 

Appamanskoch,  32. 

Aquakanonk,  231. 

Archaeological  remains,  60,  234;  sites, 
66-67. 

Archaeology  of  Manhattan  Island,  113— 

121. 
Archery,  208. 
Armonk,  125,  134. 
Arrochar,  16,  21. 

Arrow-heads,  67,  90,  146,  149,  162. 
Arrow  points,  15,  58,  65,  68,  69,  113, 
119,  126,  127,  129,  144,  146,  171,  172, 

173,  176,  213,  229,  233;  bone,  22,  214; 
brass,  28;  stone  43,  44. 

Arrows,  190,  205,  208. 
Art,  on  pottery,  53. 

Articles,  of  clay,  222;  metal,  227;  shell, 
228. 

Ash  beds,  126,  176. 

Attiwandaronk,  217. 

Awls,  of  bone,  23,  118,  172,  229. 

Axes,  18,  58,  65,  67,  85,  90,  114,  171,  215. 

Baganud,  191. 
Bags,  208. 


Bambaig,  189. 

Banner  stones,  20,  88,  116-117,  171,  221. 
Banni'dwang,  188. 
Basagwanantaksag,  186. 
Baskets,  189,  205,  208. 
Beads,  of  bone,  230;  glass,  28;  metal, 
227;  shell,  28,  227;  stone,  9,  27,  220. 
Beaming  tools,  230. 
Bear  Rock,  145,  149-150. 
Bestavaar's  Kill,  67. 
Bibliography,  62. 
BT'tka,  191. 
Biyoti,  188. 

Bloomfield  (Watchogue),  9. 
Bloomingdale,  65. 
Blue  Bell  Tavern,  132. 
Blunt-points,  213. 
Blueskye,  William,  22. 
Bogardus  Corners,  37. 
Bone  and  antler,  229-231. 
Bones  of  animals,  69,  70. 
Bone  poin  s,  44. 
Booth,  Henry,  collection,  216. 
Bowling  Green,  35. 
Bowls,  188. 

Bows,  44,  189-190,  205. 
Bowstrings,  208. 
Brinton,  D.  G.,  30,  32. 
Brooches,  192. 
Brooms,  189. 
Brotherton  Indians,  185. 
Buckanzitias&n,  207. 

Burial  Ridge,  11,  20,  21,  27,  29,  41,  42, 
44,  51, 113,  221,  227,  228,  229,  230,  231. 

Burials,  bone,  50,  51;  bunched,  51;  of 
dogs,  70,  79,  89;  methods  of,  49-50. 

Burial  Site,  4. 

Buskacazan,  207. 

Byram,  132,  134,  136. 

"Cache  blades,"  20. 
Caches,  20,  156-157. 

Calver,  W.  L.,  65,  68,  69,  70,  85,  87, 
91,  114,  119,  132,  221. 


238      Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.     [Vol.  Ill, 


Camp  site,  16,  79. 

Canarsie,  47,  48. 

Canoes,  48-49. 

Catawba,  25,  228. 

Celts,  6,  18,  60,  115,  216-217,  227. 

"Century  House,"  88. 

Ceremonial  pits,  84. 

Ceremonies,  194. 

Charter,  104,  108. 

Chenoweth,  Alexander  C,  66,  68,  69, 

70,  81,  88,  92. 
Cherokee,  29. 
Chipped  articles,  213. 
Chipped  points,  127. 
Christopher,  Richard,  11. 
"Chunk<§"  stones,  215. 
Ckanks,  191. 
Ckwand,  187. 
"Clam-drying,"  17. 
Clans,  193. 
Clothing,  191. 
Clubs,  215;  grooved,  19. 
Coastal  Algonkin,  213-235. 
Cold  Spring,  66,  68,  69,  85,  88,  195. 
Collections  of  specimens,  17-18. 
Copper,  28,  172,  227. 
Corlear's  Hook,  34,  35. 
Costume,  39,  40,  41,  83. 
Cooking,  47;  utensils  for,  47,  171. 
Cree,  215,  216,  220. 
Crystal  eye,  141. 
Cultural  reconstruction,  38. 
Culture-horizons,  153. 
Cup  and  ball  game,  23,  118,  229. 
Cups,  14,  23,  119,  173,  230. 
Curtis,  W.  C,  206. 
Customs,  193-195,  206. 
Cutchegan  Rock,  187. 
Cylinders.  231. 

Dances,  194. 

Dankers  and  Sluyter,  33,  39, 42,  48,53,  61. 
Dakwang,  188. 

Davis,  William  T.,  4,  20,  45,  46,  62. 

Decker,  Aimer,  27,  62. 

Decorations,  on  bags,  209;  drumsticks, 

21;    masks,  21;    pipes,  26-27,  189; 

pottery,  7,  24-25,  57-58,  120,  142, 

147,  155,  158,  224-226. 
Deed,  99-100. 


Defeat  of  King  Philip,  107. 
Deharts  Brook,  6. 
Designs  on  pottery,  55,  59,  120. 
Devil's  Den,  210. 

DeVries,  33,  34,  40,  42,  48,  51,  219. 
Di'bl,  200. 

"Dog  burials,"  70,  93. 

Dongan,  Governor,  107,  108. 

Dosoris,  173,  177. 

Draw  shaves,  230. 

Drills,  115,  171;  of  stone,  20,  214. 

Drying  Heaps,  4. 

Dutch  West  India  Company,  33. 

Earthworks,  234. 
Eastern  Niantic,  185. 
Edhaquaons,  33. 

Ethnography  of  Staten  Island,  29. 

"Fairy  boats,"  46. 

"Feast  of  the  Dead,"  50,  233. 

Federal  Hill,  143-144. 

Fielding,  Mrs.  Fidelia,  183,  186. 

Finch's  Rock  House,  125-132,  134,  136. 

Fireplaces,  133,  142,  146,  148,  151,  159, 
164,  208. 

Fish  hooks,  45 ;   points,  45,  230. 

Fishing,  44. 

Flexed  burials,  50. 

Folk-lore,  200-203,  209. 

Fort  Amsterdam,  65,  97. 

Fort  Hamilton,  53. 

Fort  Wadsworth,  34. 

Fort  Washington,  65,  68,  82. 

Food  materials,  43,  45,  83,  130;  meth- 
ods of  preparing,  190-191. 

Fossils,  23,  228. 

Fox,  39. 

Franklin  Lake,  141. 

Ga-nos-ho,  22. 
Gansevoort  Market,  67. 
Gantci  Mundu,  200. 
Geodes,  219. 
Giyamman,  188. 

Gorget,  21,  41-42,  115,  152,  171,  220. 
Goshen  Mountain,  163-165. 
Grants  of  land,  94-95,  98,  99,  107. 
Gouges,  6,  19,  60,  218. 
Graves,  50-51,  68,  71,  233. 
Green  Ridge,  10. 


1909.] 


Index. 


239 


Grinders,  219. 

Grooved  axes,  215-216. 

Groups  of  stone  articles,  213. 

Great  Maize  Land,  79. 

Gu'ngu,  191. 

Gwansnag,  188. 

Habitation,  46,  187,  207. 

Hackensack,  34,  35,  36,  43,  54,  60,  61, 

222,  231. 
Hair  ornaments,  220. 
Hall,  Edward  Hagaman,  87. 
Halve  Maen,  82. 
Hammers,  142. 
Hand  choppers,  19,  215. 
Hand  hammers,  146. 
Harlem  Ship  Canal,  70. 
Harpoons,  214,  229. 

Harrington,  M.  R.,  22,  49,  222,  228,  230, 
237. 

Haverstraw,  231. 
Headdress,  192. 
Hearths,  126,  147,  176. 
Hecke welder,  61. 
Helicker's  Cave,  132. 
Heye,  George  G.,  187. 
Historical  References,  72. 
Hoe,  42,  114,  215. 
Holmes,  W.  H.,  25. 
Hook  Mountains,  150. 
Horsestable  Rock,  160-163. 
Housatonic,  205. 
Hrdlicka,  A.,  30,  32. 
Hudson,  Hendrick,  175. 
"Hummocks,"  3. 
Huguenot,  16. 
Hunting,  43-44. 
Hussakof,  Louis,  23. 

"Idol  images,"  21. 

Implements,  221;    of  antler,  60,  118; 

bone,  22,  60,  118,  170;  cache  of,  14; 

chipped,  114;  flaked,  14;  stone,  18. 
Inag,  184. 
Indian  attack,  103. 
Indian  claims,  105. 
"Indian  fields,"  10,  79. 
Indian  languages,  classification  of,  72. 
Indian  tribes,  231-232. 
Inwood,  66,  68,  69,  77,  82,  89,  96,  100, 

104,  107,  221. 


Iroquois,  7,  44,  185,  193,  214,  217,  220, 
222,  233;  Silverwork,  193;  type  of 
pottery,  55-56,  88,  130,  174,  223,  226. 

Isham's  Garden,  70. 

Jar,  88-89. 
Jibai',  196. 
JokiwT'n,  187. 
Juet,  Robert,  82. 

Kah-Kwah,  217. 

Kalch-Hook,  67. 

Kanarekante,  37. 

Kanienga,  24. 

Kensico,  132. 

Kes-kes-kick,  78. 

Ketchum's  Mill  Pond,  16. 

Kieft,  Director,  95,  97,  98,  99. 

Kill  Van  Kull,  3,  6. 

Kingsbridge,  77,  85,  98,  101,  104. 

Kittatinny  Mountains,  37. 

Knives,  20,  115,  188,  214;  material  for, 

20,  semilunar,  19,  115. 
Knoll,  The,  66,  68,  95. 
Kreischerville,  37. 
Ktcais,  194. 

Kuyter,  Joachim  Pietersen,  35,  95,  96, 
97,  99. 

Lakes  Island,  10,  58. 
Leather  Man's  Shelter,  134. 
Ledyard,  184. 
Leggings,  191. 
Leiden  Museum,  120. 
Lenape,  29,  30,  32,  38,  46,  47,  220,  230, 
234. 

Lenni  Lenape,  153,  165,  231. 
Lita-pum-bla-wan,  41. 
"Little  Ape,"  97. 
Little  Helicker's,  134. 
Livingston,  4. 

Lodges,  47;  sweating  lodges,  48. 
"Long  House,"  47,  53. 
Long  Neck  (Linoleum ville),  9. 
Lovelace,  Governor  Francis,  28,  33,  36. 
Lovelace,  Thomas,  36,  105. 

MdckazTts,  190. 
Mahican,  34,  217. 
Mahlgani'ak,  184. 
Mahoney  Shelter,  134. 


240       Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.    [Vol.  III. 


Mahquudus,  37. 
Maize,  42. 

Mai-kan-e-tuk,  78,  81. 
Manabush,  203. 
Mannu'dac,  189. 
Makas,  191. 
Makiawlsag,  201. 
Mannetoe,  45. 
Mannetu,  200. 
Manitto,  200. 

Mariners'  Harbor,  19,  20,  22,  23,  43,  58, 
Arlington,  5;  Bowman's  Brook,  6, 
22,  23,  43,  45,  54,  58,  68,  229,  231; 
Old  Place,  8;  Sites  at,  6. 

Marriage  customs,  52,  53.  209. 

Mask,  of  stone,  21,  220;  of  wood,  21. 

Matci  Mundu,  200. 

Material  culture,  165,  187-191. 

Mattano,  32. 

Maquas,  33. 

Maul,  19,  215. 

McGuey,  James,  65,  68,  69,  85. 

M'daulinu,  200. 

Medicines,  200. 

Menominee,  203. 

Merrill,  Isaiah,  9,  220. 

Meteu,  200. 

liicmac,  203. 

Mine  Hill,  159. 

Minsi,  153,  165. 

Minuit  Director  Peter,  94,  95. 

Moccasins,  192. 

Mohawk,  7,  24,  36,  55,  96,  100,  184;  Iro- 
quois, 38. 
Mohegan,  165,  183-210. 
Mohiksinag,  184. 
Moiguwag,  195. 

Montagne,  Doctor  de  la,  35.  94,  96.  98, 

105. 
Montauk,  232. 
Mooney,  James,  25. 

Mortars,  stone,  43, 114, 128,  219;  wooden, 

37,  42,  114,  188,  208. 
Mortuary  customs,  49. 
Mullers,  219. 
Muncey,  30,  31. 
Mundu,  200. 
Muscoota,  78. 

Muskhogean  Indians,  49,  230. 
Mythology,  53. 


Myths.  203. 

Xaig-ia-nac,  67. 
Xajack,  47. 
Xamakkls,  194 
Nanabozho,  203 
Xanna,  194. 
Xannang,  193. 
Xapsia,  81. 

Xarragansett,  185,  186,  206. 
Xatanls,  194. 
Xayantlkuk,  206. 
Xebo  Rocks,  132. 
Xeagle  Burying  Ground,  71 
Needles,  88,  118,  172,  229. 
Xeolithic  weapons,  84. 
Net-sinkers,  114,  215. 
New  Brighton,  16. 
Xew  Haerlem,  102,  104. 
Xew  Springville,  10. 
Xewton's  Creek,  6. 
Xiagara,  217. 
Xiantic  River,  206. 
Xldamb,  194. 
Xipmunk,  185. 
Xip-nich-sen,  78. 
Xotassen,  43. 
Xuc,  193. 
Nu,  janas,  193. 

Oakland,  41. 
Oakwood,  17. 
Ojibway,  215. 
Oliffe,  William,  57. 
Oneida,  37;  Iroquois,  219. 
Onondagas,  71. 

Orange  County,  New  York,  159. 
Ornaments,  191. 
Osage,  39. 
Otchipwe,  203. 
Oude  Dorp,  16. 
Outbreak  of  warfare,  102. 
Ownership    of    Washington  Heights, 
108-109. 

Paint-cups,  219. 

Painting,  83. 

Paint  receptacle,  14,  88. 

Paint  stones,  172. 

Papirinimen,  73,  77,  78,  98,  104. 

Parker,  Arthur  C,  220. 


1909.] 


Index. 


241 


Passaic  County,  New  Jersey,  141,  145. 
Passamaquoddy,  203. 
Pavonia,  34,  35,  36,  97. 
Pawcatuck,  206. 
Pawnee,  39. 
"Peach  War."  36. 
Pen-atn-ik,  77,  78. 
Pendants,  14,  42,  228. 
Pepper,  George  H.,  12,  13,  20,  21,  23, 
41,  42,  50,  60,  62,  172,  173,  213,  230. 
Pequannock  River,  143,  145. 
Pequot,  35,  183,  184. 
Personal  appearance,  39,  40,  41. 
Pestles,  37,  42,  60,  114,  171,  188,  208,  218. 
Pewowahone,  37. 
Phonetics,  185. 
Pigments,  42r  83,  117,  219. 
Pipes,  26-28,  87,  114,  126,  127,  132,  172, 

175,  189,  221;  used  as  a  bead,  27; 
of  copper,  28,  83;  pottery,  222;  stone, 
60,  83. 

Pitching  tool,  22. 
Plummets,  20-21. 
Pokoques,  37. 

Polished  stone  articles,  220-222. 

Polishing  stones,  219. 

Pomp  on  Junction,  143-145,  147. 

Pompton  Plains,  145-148. 

Portable  Mortars,  219. 

Port  Washington,  Long  Island,  222. 

Potsherds,  7,  66,  70,  126,  144,  146,  164. 

Pottery,  8,  10,  17,  23-26,  53,  58,  68,  69, 
70,  71,  79,  85,  120,  130,  133,  141-142, 
147,  148,  150,  151,  152,  155,  173-174, 

176,  177,  222-227,  233;  pipes,  222; 
stamps,  228,  231,  tempering,  228. 

Pound  Hill,  158-159. 
Price's  Meadow  Island,  10. 
Prince,  Prof.  J.  D.,  183. 

Quartz  Quarry  Rock-shelter,  135-136. 
Quinnebaug,  185. 
Quivers,  208. 

Ramapo  River,  157-158. 

Raritan,  32,  35,  37,  43,  61,  95,  231. 

Rattles,  230. 

Reckgawawancs,  72,  73,  231. 
Refuse  heaps,  69. 
Reed  drills,  214. 

Relations  with  the  first  settlers,  94-102. 


Religion,  52. 

Revolutionary  relics,  65,  70,  89,  91,  132. 
Richmond,  16,  119. 
Richmond  Plank  Road,  10. 
Riverville,  134. 
Riverville  Shelter,  136-138. 
Rockland  County,  New  York,  154. 
Rock-dwellings,  147,  151,  153,  165. 
Rock-shelters,  69,  81,  125-138,  141-165. 
Rossville,  3,  11,  26,  28,  37. 
Rough  stone  articles,  214-220. 

Sabattis,  Charlie,  22. 
Sanjg.ni,  193. 
Sappokanican,  67,  83. 
"Sapsis,"  84. 
Sauk  and  Fox,  172. 
Sau-wen-a-rack,  103. 
Scaticook  Indians,  188,  205. 
"Schorrakin,"  95. 

Scrapers,  20,  23,  127,  133,  171,  173,  214, 
.  228. 
Se'go,  206. 

Semilunar  knives,  220. 

Settlement  of  New  Haerlem,  103-109. 

Shamanism,  195. 

Shantic  Point,  186. 

Shell  fish,  45,  130. 

Shell  heaps,  4,  16,  17,  66,  68,  69,  169- 

179,  233. 
Shell-pits,  5,  7,  88,  170,  176. 
Shell  pockets,  74,  89. 
Shinnecock  Hills,  47,  172,  229;  Indians, 

14,  39,  46. 
Shirjuirneho,  37. 
Sho-ra-kap-kok,  77,  81. 
Silver  work,  193. 
Sinew  stones,  219. 
Sinkers,  21,  44-45,  70,  113. 
Siwanoy,  175,  231. 
Size  of  pottery  vessels,  56,  224. 
Skeesucks,  Lester,  192. 
Skeletons,  5,  11,  12,  13,  15,  85,  87,  91- 

92,  170,  173,  176;  of  a  child,  14;  of  a 

dog,  7,  71,  88,  176,  233. 
Smith,  Claudius,  160-161. 
Social  Organization,  52,  209. 
Songs,  195. 

Sources  of  food  supply,  129. 
Spear-head,  144,  162. 


242 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.    [Vol.  III. 


Spear  point,  148,  214. 

Specimens,  coll  ctions  of,  17;  descrip- 
tion of,  18;  first  found  in  New  York 
City,  65. 

Spoons,  188. 

Spuyten  Duyvil,  69,  72,  73,  77,  78,  82, 

96,  104. 
Stamps,  228,  231. 

Staten  Island  Association  of  Arts  and 

Sciences,  8,  11,27,62. 
Steatite,  60;  pipes,  27,  114;  vessels,  24, 

58,  222. 
Stockbridge,  37,  185. 
Stone,  beads,  220;  of  exotic  origin,  113; 

hoe,  42;  material,  113;  objects,  126; 

plummets,  220;    pipes,  27,  60,  172; 

polishing  or  rubbing,  19. 
Stuyvesant,  Gov.  Peter  ,  36,  99,  101,  102. 
Su'ktac,  190. 
Susquehanna,  32. 
Susquehannock.  29 
Swannekins,  96. 

Takanig,  191. 

Tankiteke,  130. 

Tantaquidgeon,  202. 

Tappan,  36,  61,  231. 

Tc&'namid,  203-204. 

Tcisa'ka,  200. 

Tompkinsville,  17. 

Tools,  antler,  21. 

Torne  Brook,  154-156. 

Torne  Mountain,  156-157. 

Tottenville,  3,  19,  20,  42,  44,  46,  50,  51, 

173,  213. 
Towakhow,  145,  1.50-153. 
Trade  articles.  9,  28-29,  231. 
Trade  ring,  28. 
Traditions,  1S5. 
Transportation,  48—19. 
Tiavisville,  9. 
Treaties,  103-104. 
Tubes,  230. 
Tuckahoe  Marble,  125. 
Tuinessen,  Tobias,  8,  88,  96,  101,  107. 
Tuxedo,  159-160. 

Types  of  axes,  215-216;  of  net-sinkers, 
215. 

Ulu,  220. 


Unalachtigo,  31,  153. 
Unami,  31,  153. 
Uncas,  184,  186,  193,  195. 
Underhill,  Capt.  John,  35. 
Upper  Preakness,  141-143. 
Utensils,  47,  84. 

Van  der  Capellen,  36. 
Van  der  Donck,  Adriaen,  61,  72,  83,  98, 
101. 

Van  Dyck,  Henry,  35,  36,  96. 

Van  der  Grist,  Paulus  Linderstien,  36. 

Van  Keulen.  Matthys  Jansen,  98. 

Van  Tienhoven,  Secretary,  33,  97. 

Village  site,  3. 

Vedrendal,  94. 

Vegetables  resources,  42. 

Volk,  Ernest,  54,  60,  176,  230. 

Wainwright,  Capt.  R.  1).,  11  .  29,  12. 

"Walum  Olum,"  29. 

Wampum,  42,  178,  228. 

Wappinger,  72,  73,  231. 

Waranawankong,  231. 

W  ar  club,  120. 

"War  point,"  16,  17. 

Watchogue,  20,  21,  28,  62,  220. 

Waubinu,  200. 

Weir  Creek  Point,  170. 

West  New  Brighton,  3. 

Western  Xiantic,  206. 

"White  Dog  Feast,"  71.  79,  87,  233. 

"Wickers  Creek,"  83. 

"  Wickom,"  47. 

Wickquaskeek,  72,  73,  78,  81,  83,  93,  95, 

96,  97,  103,  104,  105,  108,  109,  231. 
Willoughby,  C.  C,  22,  217. 
Wlnai's,  194. 
Witchcraft  tales,  196-199. 
Witches,  19.5-196. 
Wi'us,  191. 
Whvatcaman,  190. 
WOyu't,  187. 
Woodrow,  3,  10,  50,  60. 
Worked  teeth,  230. 

Yantic,  185. 
Yokeg,  191,  194. 

Zeewan,  51,  52. 
Zegendal,  95,  97,  99. 


Anthrop.  Pap.  A.  M.  N.  H. 


Vol.  Ill,  Plate  II. 


(Page  14) 


Anthrop.  Pap.  A.  M.  N.  H. 


Vol.  Ill,  Plate  III. 


Position  of  Points  among  Bones  —  Tottenville. 

(Page  15) 


Anthrop.  Pap.  A.  M.  N.  H. 


Drills,  .Scrapers  and  other  Objects. 
(Page  19) 


Knives  and  Scrapers. 


(Page  20) 


Anthrop.  Pai».  A.  M.  N.  H. 


Vol.  Ill,  Plate  VIII. 


Banner  Stones. 
(Page  20) 


Anthrop.  Pap.  A.  M.  N.  H. 


Vol.  Ill,  Plate  IX. 


Tobacco  Pipes. 


(Page  26) 


Anthrop.  Pap.  A.  M.  N.  H. 


Vol.  Ill,  Plate  X. 


Bone  and  Antler  Tools. 
(Page  22) 


Anthrop.  Pap.  A.  M.  N.  H. 


Vol.  Ill,  Plate  XI. 


Shell  Objects. 
(Page  42) 


Anthrop.  Pap.  A.  M.  N.  H. 


Vol.  Ill,  Plate  XIII. 


A  Shell  Pit  on  Seaman  Avenue. 
(Page  86) 


The  Core  of  a  Shell  Pit. 
(Page^90). 


Anthrop.  Pap.  A.  M.  N.  H. 


Vol.  Ill,  Plate  XIV. 


Uncovering  an  Indian  Pot  at  214th  Street  and  Tenth  Avenue. 

(Page  88) 


Anthrop.  Pap.  A.  M.  N.  H. 


Vol.  Ill,  Plate  XV. 


A  Pottery  Vessel  found  at  214th  Street  and  Tenth  Avenue. 

(Page  89) 


Anthrop.  Pap.  A.  M.  N.  H. 


Vol.  Ill,  Plate  XVI. 


[NWOOD  Roi  k-shkltek,  Manhattan. 
(Page  84) 


An  Indian  Burial  on  Seaman  Avenue. 


Anthrop.  Pap.  A.  M.  N.  H. 


Vol.  Ill,  Plate  XVII. 


Relics  from  Manhattan  Island. 
(Page  88) 


Anth^op.  Pap.  A.  M.  N.  H. 


Vol.  Ill,  Plate  XVIII. 


H  flicker's  Cave. 
(Page  132) 


Anthrop.  Pap.  A.  M.  N.  H. 


Vol.  Ill,  Plate  XIX. 


Riverville  Shelter. 
(Page  136) 


Axthrop.  Pap.  A.  M.  N.  H. 


Vol.  Ill,  Plate  XXI. 


Mohegan  Specimens 
(Page  188) 


Anthrop.  Pap.  A.  M.  N.  H. 


Vol.  Ill,  Plate  XXII. 


Bkothkkton-Momkc; an  in  Costume. 


(Iroup  of  Mohegan-Indians. 


(Page  192) 


Anthrop.  Pap.  A.  M.  N.  H. 


Vol.  Ill,  Plate  XXIII. 


Mohegan  Woman. 


